$ 84. In Lat. the forms of stem-verbs and derived-verbs are mixed in many ways. Often stem-verbs take the form of derived verbs in the pres. ; under this head come many cases such as e.g. uenī-mus beside uēn-i, uen-tum, re-perī-mus beside re-p(e)per-i, re-per-tum. Verbs in eo show on the contrary a regular loss of the derivation-element in all stems except the pres., so that here the stem-verbs which assume -ē- (=-aya-) in pres. only (as e.g. sed-e-mus beside sēd-i, sessum = *sed-tum; uid-ē-mus beside uīd-i, užsum=*uid-tum, § 77, 1, b) cannot be distinguished from derived verbs which have lost the same element.

$ 85.

These derived verb-stems may form (in order to express inchoation) their pres. also by means of -ska- (v. post. formation of pres.-stem), e.g. in-uetera-sci-t (grows old), stem ueterā-= *uetesā- stem ueter- in uetus, ueter-is (old); flaue-sci-t, cf. flăue-t fr. flāuo-s; ob-dormi-sci-t (grows drowsy), cf. ob-dormi-ui, ob-dormi-tu-m, etc.

Noun-stems used as verb-stems without change are found here and there in the languages. These formations

are recent.

From this class of stems we must separate those verb-stems (mostly present-stems) which do not presuppose a noun-stem for their formation, though they coincide with one; e.g. tanufrom √ta, tan (stretch); bhara-, √bhar (ferre), etc.; an origl. tanu-tai, 3 sg. pres. med., bhara-ti, 3 sg. pres. act., are not formed from a noun tanu-s (tenuis), bhara-s (popós), but both are mere coincidences in their stem-formation. If these verbstems had been derived from nouns, the characteristic suffix would have remained throughout, whilst in fact it forms only the present (or aorist), but does not exist in the other tensestems. On the other hand, the formations now in question are closely connected with those treated of in the preceding paragraph, from which sometimes they cannot be clearly separated. Sanskrit. Rare, e.g. lõhitá-ti (is red) fr. lóhita-s (red), etc. Greek. Here noun-stems are very often used as verb-stems

likewise, in that the present-stem is formed by means of -ya- § 85. (our class V. of Present-stem-formation), while the noun-stem appears pure in the other tense-stems. To this kind belong the numerous verbs in -(w and -oow, e.g. èλπíčeι (hopes), i.e. *èλπɩd-ye-Ti, stem exπíd- (n. sg. émis hope, gen. sg. exπíd-os); èpĺže (strives), stem epid- (ëpis strife; in these cases, however, Č, like the 8 of the corresponding noun-stems, might be simply = y, and thus *TI-YE-TI, *èpt-ye-тo, be assumed as fundamental forms, cf. § 65, 1, c, note; yet between vowelsy is in my opinion still doubtful); πеμπáče (counts by fives), i.e. *πеμπad-уe-тI, stem πεμπάδα (πεμπάς number 5, collection of five); μαστίζει (lashes), i.e. *μαστιγ-ψε-τι, stem μάστιγ- μάστιξ lash) ; πομφολύζει (bubbles), i.e. *-λυγ-ψε-τι, st. πομφόλυγ- (πομφόλυξ bubble); ἁρπάζει (seizes), i.e. *ἁρπαγ-ψε-τι, stem ἅρπαγ- (ἅρπαξ grasping), fut. in Hom. åpπá§w, i.e. *åρπay-ow, but subsequently ȧρπáσw, as though a stem *åpπad- underlay it, a confusion between -- and -y- stems not uncommon, caused by the identity of the present-tense in each; caλπlçe (trumpets), st. σáλπıyý(σáλπy trumpet), the nasal falling away before (=yy, just as it does before σ, cf. fut. σaλπiy§w, i.e. *σaλπyу-ow, etc. From such cases arose the common terminations -iw, -aw, which afterwards came to be used as independent terminations. In like manner was developed the termination -σow, which arose in the case of stems in т, 0, к, X, e.g. BλÍTTW (cut honey), i.e. *μλιτ-ψω (§ 68, 1, b. f.), *μελιτ-ψω, stem μέλιτ- (μέλι, gen. μέλιτος honey); Kopúσow (fit with a helm), i.e. *xopve-yw, stem κóρvł(κόρυς, gen. κόρυθ-ος helm); κηρύσσω (proclaim), i.e. *κηρυκ-ψω, stem κήρυκ- (κήρυξ, gen. κήρυκ-os herald); ἱμάσσω (I lash), i.e. *ἱμαντ-ψω, stem ἱμάντο (ἱμάς, gen. ἱμάντ-ος strap); ἀνάσσω (am king), i.e. *åvaкт-yw, with loss of x in the group кту, st. åvaкт(ǎvağ, gen. άvaкт-os lord), etc.

K

Noun-stems in s are seen in teλelei, teλéei, teλeî (completes), i.e. *τελεσ-ψε-τι, stem τέλες- (cf. τε-τέλεσ-μαι pf. pass.) in τέλος, gen. τέλους, i.e. *τελεσ-ος (end); νεικείω, νεικέω (wrangle), i.e,

§ 85. *velkeσ-yw, stem veîkeσ- (veikos ntr. quarrel); evTuxeî (is happy), i.e. *εὐτυχεσ-ψε-τι, stem εὐτυχέσ- (adj. n. sg. masc. fem. εὐτυχής happy), etc.

From origl. -an-stems arise verbs in -aww, i.e. *-avyw, e.g. peλaiver (blackens), i.e. *μeλav-ye-Tɩ, stem μéλav- (n. sg. masc. μέλας, ntr. μέλαν, μέλαν-ος μéλav, gen. péλav-os black); afterwards this termn. extended also to stems which do not end in -av, e.g. λευκαίνει (whitens), i.e. *λευκαν-ψε-τι, stem λευκό- (λευκός white), etc.

ἰθύνει

A similar case occurs in verbs in -uvw, i.e. *-vivw, *-vvyw; here, however, v is probably origl. from a present-formation in na (v. post., present-stem); e.g. díveɩ (sweetens), i.e. *¿dv-vye-tɩ, f.f. svādu-nya-ti, stem dú- (ÿdú-s sweet), f.f. svādu-; ¡Ovvel (straightens), stem i0u- (Tv-s straight); evpúve (broadens), stem evpú- (cvpú-s broad), etc. This ending also passed over to other stems, e.g. μεγαλύνει (enlarges), st. μεγάλο- (great) ; λαμπpúvel (brightens), stem λaμπρó- (bright), etc.

From r-stems arise e.g. тeкμaíрoμaι (proclaim, infer), i.e. *τεκμαρ-ψο-μαι, stem τέκμαρ (aim, mark); μαρτύρομαι (call to witness), i.e. *μαρτυρ-ψο-μαι, stem μάρτυρ- μάρτυς, gen. μάρTUρ-Os witness).

After stem-terminations in vowels y is entirely lost (as in φύω, earlier φυίω; ὀπύω, earlier ὀπυίω, v. post. § 165), e.g. μεθύει (is drunken), i.e. *μe0v-ye-тi, f.f. madhu-ya-ti, stem μéðv (ntr. mead); βασιλεύ-(y)ε-(τ)ι (is king), stem βασιλεύς (βασιλεύς king); Bovλeú-et (counsels) from an unused stem *ẞovλev(formed like popeú-s bearer) and many more.

Frequently the noun-stem loses as a verb-stem the final vowel -o-, e.g. μaλáoow (soften), i.e. *μaλak-yw, fut. paλáęw = *μαλακ-σω, stem μαλακό (μαλακό-ς soft); ίύζω (scream), i.e. *ivy-yw, fut. iúğw=*ivy-ow, cf. ivyń (shriek); μeλíoow (soothe, exhilarate), i.e. *ueix-yw, stem μeixixo- (μetrixo-s mild, friendly); Kabalρw (purify), i.e. *ka@ap-yw, stem καθαρός (καθαρό-s pure); δαιδάλλω (work cunningly), i.e.

*δαιδαλ-ψω, stem δαίδαλο- (cunningly wrought); ἀγγέλλω (an- § 85. nounce), i.e. *åyyeλ-yw, stem ayyeλo- (masc. messenger); ποικίλλω (adorn) fr. ποικίλο-ς (variegated); καμπύλλω (bend) fr. κaμπúλo-s (bent), etc.

Present-stems of similar derived verbs are also formed by means of the stem-formative suffix origl. -ska- (§ 165, VI.), e.g. μelú-σкel (makes drunk), f.f. madhu-ska-ti, stem μéov(mead).

After labials occurs also the sf. origl. -ta- (§ 165, VII.) similarly used, e.g. ἀστράπτω (lighten) from ἀστραπή (lightning-flash); xaλéπ-тw (press hard) from xaλeπó-s (hard), etc., with loss of the vowel stem-termination of the noun, provided these verbs are really derived.

στορες-,

As regards the verbs whose present-stem terminates in origl. -asnu-, e.g. σтopévvüμi (spread) for *σтоρеσ-v-μι, f.f. staras-nau-mi, f.f. of stem staras-nu, stem of remaining tenses σтоpes-, f.f. staras-,-a stem-form which frequently occurs also among nouns (v. post.),—for these verbs, which belong here by rights, v. post. under 'Present-stem-formation'; they appear as stem-verbs, because the noun-forms underlying them do not really exist in the language.

In Latin a few noun-stems are used as verb-stems; the present is formed, as in Gk., by means of -ya- (§ 165, V.); but the formation is confined to u-stems, e.g. statui-t (sets up), i.e. *statu-yi-t, f.f. statu-ya-ti fr. sta-tu-s (subst. standing); metui-t (fears) from metu-s (fear); acui-t (sharpens) from acu-s (needle); tribui-t (assigns) fr. tribu-s (division); minui-t (lessens) from a non-existent *minu-s (small), of which minus (smaller) for *minius, f.f. *manyans, is the comparative.

Verb-stems, formed by reduplication of the root, § 86. and addition of -sa- or -s- in other tenses than the present (called desideratives from their function).

s frequently appears as an element in stem- and word-formation, and must be traced back either to the pronominal √ sa, or,

§ 86. as is more probable in the case in question, to verbal √ as

(esse).

Although these formations occur in Sk. and Zend only, yet they depend, like all reduplicated forms, on a very early method of expression, arising in that period of the language when the invariable roots possessed reduplication alone as a means of increasing their power of expressing relativity; Gk. forms such ας γι-γνώσκω, μι-μνή-σκω, correspond with the Aryan languages at least in reduplication, and it is the reduplication of the root only that we consider ancient. We doubt therefore whether the method of formation belonging to the Aryan language, so far as we know it, should be assigned to the origl. language. Here perhaps the reduplication alone, without any special suffix, served to express desiderative relation.

Sanskrit (special grammars must be consulted for further details of Sk. desiderative-stem-formation). Before the s of the sf. there is found an auxiliary vowel i after most root-terminations (§ 15, f). The reduplication is completely retained only in cases of the simplest kinds of root, e.g. ár-ir-i-ša-ti, 3 sg. pres. (he wishes to go), var (go; 3 sg. pres. r-nó-ti), cf. åp-aр-lσкw (fit), at least the same root is reduplicated; otherwise, as is usual, only the initial consonant of the root or its representative according to sound-laws (v. post. formation of Perfect) remains with root-vowel, which is weakened to i whenever it is origl. a, e.g. ģi‐ģnā-sa-ti (wishes to know), fut. ģi-ģńā-s-i-šyá-ti, aor. comp. á-ģi-ģnā-s-i-šat, etc., √ ģńa transposed fr. origl. gan (know); didrk-sa-te (wishes to see), √ darç, origl. dark, for *di-dark-sa-tai, ki-klp-sa-ti and kí-kalp-i-ša-tē, √kalp (be in order); some verbs lengthen the vowel of the reduplication-syllable (weakened from a), e.g. mi-mã-sa-tē, i.e. *mī-mān-sa-tai (considers, reflects), √ man (think); yú-yut-sa-ti (wishes to fight), √ yudh; ví-vik-ša-ti (wishes to enter), √viç, origl. vik; kí-kšip-sa-ti (wishes to throw), kšip (throw), etc.