e.g. á-věd-i-šyam, stem vēdaya-, etc. This belongs, however, § 84. rather to Indian special-grammar, as being peculiar to Sk.

Amongst stems clearly formed from nouns are yōktrá-ya-ti (binds round, embraces), noun-stem yōktra- (ntr. band); tulá-ya-ti (weighs), stem tula-, n. sg. tulá (fem. balance, scales),

etc.

But before the -ya- the final -a- of the stem is not seldom lengthened to a (v. supr. § 15, 2, a), e.g. vāšpā-ya-tē (weeps), stem vāšpa- (tear), lõhitā-ya-ti (reddens), stem lõhita- (red), açvā-yá-ti (wishes for horses), stem áçva- (horse), etc.; cf. rāģā-ya-ti (behaves like a king), stem rāģan- (n. sg. ráģā king), thus accompanied by loss of final n from the underlying nounstem. Similar lengthening in the case of i and u before y occurs (cf. § 15, 2, a), e.g. pati-yá-ti (desires a husband), stem páti(husband), asu-ya-ti (snarls, is angry), stem ásu- (breath, spirit). The a also is weakened to i, and then i is lengthened to i, e.g. putri-yá-ti (filium cupit), stem putra- (son).

Moreover the stem-termination drops off altogether, e.g. putrakām-ya-ti (desires a son), stem putrá-kāma- (desiring sons, children; putrá-s son, káma-s wish, love). Here we must esp. mention the verbs in -anya which occur in the earliest Sanskrit (the Vēdas): they are formed from abstract nouns in -ana(n. sg. -ana-m, ntr.), e.g. karan-yá-ti (he goes), stem káraṇa(going) kar (go); bhuran-yá-ti (quivers, is in motion), stem bhuraṇa- (adj. active), √/bhur (quiver, move rapidly). Cf. Gk. examples such as μapaive (makes to wither away), i.e. maranya-ti, √mar origl. (die).

To stems in 8, -ya- is added immediately, e.g. tapas-yá-ti (chastises himself), stem tápas- (mortification); namas-yá-ti (worships), stem númas- (worship). Through the analogy of such forms arose a denominative-form in -sya-, which comes into use also where there is no noun-stem in -as-. In other than present forms, generally, the y only remains (e.g. fut. namasy-išyá-ti), yet this y also often disappears (namas-išyá-ti),

§ 84. so that these stems then coincide with those to be treated in

§ 85.

It is difficult to explain the suffix -paya-, which is added regularly to verbal roots in a, more rarely to other roots also, and further to monosyllabic, and also less frequently to other noun-stems in a; in function it corresponds perfectly to -aya-, i.e. -ya-. Before this sf. a is regularly lengthened to ā, or raised a step, e.g. da-payá-ti, 3 sg. pres. caus. vb. √da (give); satyā-payá-ti (speaks truth), st. satyá- (true); ar-payá-ti, caus. √ar (rise, go); ģńa-payá-ti (makes to know), √ģna (learn)= gan, origl. gan; also others show a instead of regular ā; hence fms. like ģāpayá-ti, caus. √ģi (conquer), appear to be formed acc. to analogy of the frequent roots in a, and not to assume -āpaya- as an element of formation, before which the final of the root must have been lost.

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The attempts to prove the existence of this -paya- in other Indo-European languages seem to me unsuccessful on the whole, so that I prefer to consider it as a new formation in Indian, a view which is borne out likewise by the frequent occurrence of -paya- in the Prākrt. Probably they are compound-fms. (Benfey, kl. Sanskritgrammatik, § 123), containing a √pa ap, meaning 'do, make,' cf. áp-as, Lat. op-us, Gk. πо-léw, f.f pāyayā-mi, the latter (connected with √pa by means of a noun-stem *ποɩο-, i.e. pā-ya-; cf. Sk. stem dā-ya-, giving, masc. gift, da) formed from this root; pa-ya- will then be a causative stem of this root, precisely in the same way as the causative kāraya-, √ kar (make), often appears in the function of the stem-verb.

Note.-Palaya-ti, 3 sg. pres. caus. √pa (protect), is not immediately formed from the root, but from a noun-stem pā-lá (n. sg. pã-lá-s watcher, guard), and is therefore perfectly regular. Greek. Original -a-ya- has become *-a-ye-, *-e-ye, *-o-ye- ;

1 For fuller details on derived verbs of Gk. and Lat., cf. Leo Meyer, Vergl. gr. d. Griech. u. Lat. Sprache, ii. 1 sqq.

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according to recognized phonetic laws y is lost between vowels § 84. (cf. § 65, 1, e), e.g. τιμᾷ (honours) =τιμάει fr. *τιμαψε-τι fr. τιμή (honour); φοιτᾷ (goes frequently) = *φοιταγε-τι fr. φοῖτο-ς (frequent going); Saμậ = *δαμαγε-τι (cf. δάμ-νημι) = Lat. doma-t, Sk. damáya-ti, Goth. tamyi-th (tameth), etc.; popeî (bears, durative)=popéeɩ for *popeye-τɩ, origl. bhāraya-ti, stem φόρο- in φόρος, or stem φερε- in φέρει fr. *φερε-τι, by raising of e to o; oxeî (carries, lets ride) Foxeye-TI, origl. form vāghaya-ti, cf. öxo-s (waggon), f.f. vāgha-s, and exeɩ, f.f. vagha-ti ; ἀριθμεῖ (counts) = *ἀριθμεψε-τι fr. ἀριθμός (number); οἰκεῖ (dwells), f.f. väikaya-ti, oiko-s (house), f.f. vāika-s; åþpoveî (is senseless) fr. stem appov- (senseless): thus also from consonantal stems after analogy of vowel-stems, etc. These verbs in -eyeare much used in Gk. (in Lat., on the contrary, those in -a-). Further, χρυσοί (gilds) =χρυσόει fr. *χρυσοψε-τι fr. χρυσό-ς (gold), etc. The less common verbs in -ye- are mostly formed from noun-stems in ¿, and are not therefore to be traced back to -a-ya-, e.g. kovĺw (make dusty) from *kovu, *koviywμi, fut. kovίow, stem κόνι- (κόνι-s, gen. κόνιος, κόνεως, dust). Some of these derived verb-stems form presents also by means of -ska- (v. post. "Conjugation"), e.g. ßá-σе-ɩ (becomes a man, pubescit) beside ǹßậ, Bá-e (ẞn manhood), where nevertheless we may perhaps assume that ẞáoкw is formed direct from stem ẞa- (cf. however Lat.); andń-σкw (wax) beside aλdéw, etc.

i,

Since in Gk., after sounds other than origl. a, -ya- is confined to the pres., the derived verbal-stems apparently formed by means of it will occur hereafter, i.e. where we speak of those verbs whose stem is the noun-stem without any further addition.

Note.-In Gk. stem-verbs often assume the form of derived verbs in certain tense-forms, e.g. Téρdw, but waρdn-σoμai, v. post. § 165.

Latin. In Lat., and, so far as we can see, in the other Italic languages, we find three forms caused by the splitting-up of

§ 84. the a of original -a-ya- into a, e, and through its being weakened to i.

1. -aya- is contracted into -ā-, e.g. sēda-t (sets, settles) for sēdā-t, *sēdayi-t, f.f. sadaya-ti, cf.√sed in sed-eo (sit); doma-t (tames)= Gk. Sapa, Sk. damáya-ti; in 1 sg. -ayō, i.e. -ayāmi, becomes *ao, by elision of y, retained in Umbrian as au in subocau=Lat. *subuocao, *subuoco; this ao was then further contracted to ō, like Gk. -aw fr. -ayw(μi) to w, e.g. sēdō for *sēdaō-mi,*sēdayō-mi, f.f. sādayā-mi; 2 sg. sēdā-s, f.f. sād-aya-si, etc.; perf. sēdā-vi, part. sēdā-tus. This formation is very common in noun-stems, also in those which end in i no less than those which end in a consonant, e.g. forma-t (shapes) fr. forma (shape); planta-t (plants) fr. planta (plant); fūma-t (smokes) fr. fūmu-s (smoke), st. fūmo-; dōna-t (gives), st. dōno- (dōnu-m gift); formations from participles and the like in -to- are particularly common, e.g. canta-t (sings), st. canto- (cantu-s), past part. pass. of can-it (sings); facta-t (makes, intensive), st. facto-, part. of fac-it (makes); quassa-t (shakes, intensive) fr. quasso-, part. of quat-it (shakes), etc. Of this class are the forms in -tita-, -ita-, like factita-t (makes often), cf. facta-t, dictita-t (says often) beside dicta-t, stem dicto- (dic-it says, √ dic); uolita-t (flies, flits) beside uola-t; uocita-t (calls often) beside uoca-t (calls), etc. Further, piscă-tur (fishes) fr. pisci-s (fish); nōmina-t (names) fr. nōmen nōmin-is (name); rēmiga-t (rows), stem rēmig- in rēmex, rēmig-is (rower) [prob. formed fr. stem rēmo- in rēmu-s oar, and ig weakened from ag (ag-ere)]; after the analogy of such forms arose a verbal-termination -iga-, e.g. cast-iga-t, leu-iga-t, etc., even without a corresponding substantive. A list of verbs in -ā- in Oscan is given by Corssen, Zeitschr. v. 96 sqq.

Note.-In cases like son-ui beside sona-t (sounds) fr. sonu-s (sound), the derivational element is lost, cf. monui in 2.

2. -aya- is contracted to -ē-, e.g. monē-mus fr. *moneyi-mus, f.f. mānayā-masi, 1 pl. pres. caus. verb man (think), moneo

(remind), i.e. mānayā for mānayā-mi, 1 sg. pres.; 1 sg. pf. monui, § 84. not *monē-ui; past part. pass. moni-tu-s, not *monē-tus (v. post. formation of pf. in Lat.); thus e.g. flāueo (am yellow) fr. flãuo-s (yellow); caneo (am grey) fr. cānu-s (grey); saluco (am hale) fr. saluo-s (hale); flōreo (bloom) for *flōseo from consonantal stem flōs- (flōs, gen. flor-is for *flōs-is, blossom), etc. Underived verbs have very often assumed this form.

3. -aya- contracted to --, 1 sg. -io-iyo, -ayā fr. -ayā-mi, e.g. sōpio (make sleepy)=*sōpiyō, f.f. svāpayā for svāpayā-mi, sōpīmus =*sōpiyi-mus, f.f. svāp-ayā-masi, 1 sg. pl. pres. caus. verb svap (sleep); perf. sõpi-ui, past part. pass. sõpi-tu-s; molli-mus (soften)=*molliyi-mus fr. molli-s (soft), therefore the i is origl. here, as in many other cases, e.g. fini-mus (we end), fini-s (end); lēnī-mus (we smooth), lēni-s (smooth, mild), etc., yet others are by no means wanting where i is not caused by the termination of the underlying noun-stem, e.g. saeui-mus (we rage), saeuo-s (raging); equi-t (wants the stallion), f.f. akvaya-ti, cf. Sk. açvāya-ti; equo-s (horse), origl. akva-s, Sk. áçva-s; pūnī-mus (we punish), poena (penalty), etc. Examples like custōdi-mus (we guard), stem custōd- (custos guardian), may likewise be reduced to stems in i (custōdi-), because in Lat. all consonantal stems follow the analogy of i-stems in most In this way, by means of i, verbs were formed from the part. (nom. agentis) ending in origl. -tar, Lat. -tōr-, -tūru-s, -retaining the archaic short form of origl. -tar (still found underlying secondary formations such as uic-tr-ic-, doc-tr-īna, fr. *uic-tor-ic-, *doc-tor-ina) — e.g. esuri-mus (wish to eat), i.e. *ed-tur-i-mus, f.f. ad-tar-ayā-masi, stem ēsor-=*ed-tor-, origl. ad-tar- (ed-o eat; cf. § 77, 1, b), par-tur-i-mus (wish to bear), fr. *par-tor- (par-io bear), etc.

cases.

Note.-Lat. has no verbs corresponding to those of Gk. in -ow: G. Curtius indicates their traces in Ueber die Spuren einer lateinischen o-Conjugation,' Symbola philologor. Bonnens. in honor. Fr. Ritschelii collecta, fasc. i. Lips. 1864, p. 271 sqq.