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Penn was a resident of that portion of the State, and the Legislature unable to act efficiently in its collective capacity, conferred upon him almost absolute dictato rial powers, and allowed him to take such measures for the defense of the State, as the exigency of the case required. This was an extraordinary evidence of great public confidence, but in no particular did he abuse. the power thus conferred. He performed his duties. with admirable fidelity and skill, and received the thanks of the Legislature, and the general benedictions of the people. Mr. Penn retired from public life in 1781, and resumed the practice of his profession. But he was again called out in 1784, when Robert Morris, the Treasurer of the Confederation, appointed him a Sub-Treasurer or receiver of taxes for North Carolina. It was an office of honor and great trust, but unpopular in the extreme. Still he was willing to serve his country in any honorable capacity where he could be useful; but he soon found he would do but little that could in anywise conduce to the public weal, and after holding the office a few weeks, he resigned it, and resumed his private business. He did not again appear in public life, and in September, 1788, he died in the forty-seventh year of his age.

The life of John Penn furnishes another example of the high attainments which may crown those who, though surrounded by adverse circumstances, by persevering industry cultivate mind and heart, and aim at an exalted mark of distinction. If young men would, like him, resolve to rise above the hindrance of adverse circumstances and push boldly onward toward some honorable goal, they would seldom fail to reach it, and the race would be far easier than they imagined it to be, when girding for its trial.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

WASHINGTON'S PEW.

Here sat the wisest, sagest statesman
The world ever knew.

THERE are relics preserved in Independence Hall which give peculiar interest to the associations that cluster around the shrine of our national freedom. Every article is imbued with an inspiration that lifts the spirit from less exalted themes, and impresses the mind with the importance attached to these mementoes of the past. Among them is the portion of the Pew which Washington-the Father of his Country-occupied, when he attended Divine service in Christ Church. This relic speaks to us, through the inanimate materials of which it is made, in words of peculiar eloquence, and tells a story pregnant with historical incident. How sublime it is to contemplate the time when that meek and good man sat there, listening to the oracles of Revelation, as they fell in burning language from the lips of Zion's herald-how his full heart palpitated when allusion was made to the struggles of his countrymen to throw off the shackles that bound them to despotic domination—and how his soul leaped for joy when the minister of God prayed for the success of Liberty, and urged the patriots on to noble duty in the cause of Independence! Who can tell

how many silent prayers reached the Throne of the Almighty from this humble seat, gushing fresh and vigorous from the warm heart of that holy patriot? The exigencies of the times-the importance of the issues involved-the fearful forebodings-the anxiety for ultimate success-the safety of his fellow-countrymen-were thoughts that must have revolved constantly in his mind, inciting him to earnest supplication to the Arbiter of nations for protection in the trying ordeal. What weighty matters must have exercised his reflections? Political questions, big with the future destiny of the Colonies he defended, no doubt were mentally discussed by him, as well as the interests of Christianity. No man, before nor since, occupied so responsible a position as Washington. He stood at the head of the struggling army of the Revolution-his wisdom-his judgment-his discretion, fortitude and valor, alone could inspire an unconquerable patriotism, or incite feelings of dismay and apprehension. The burthen of this responsibility could not fail to have created in his mind emotions of deep intensity, and we cannot but fancy that his thoughts were busy, even while occupying this pew in the house of God, with the great problem of our national salvation. He, too, might have fancied the numbers who would fall in defense of freedom, and, at the same time feel the force of the poet's language—

"Who dies in vain

Upon his country's war-fields and within
The shadow of her altars? Feeble heart!

I tell thee that the voice of patriot blood,

Thus poured for faith and freedom, hath a tone
Which from the night of ages, from the gulf
Of death, shall burst and make its high appeal
Sound unto earth and heaven!"

Who knows but that, while sitting upon this pew, during the occasions he attended Divine worship, he matured some of those national measures, and adopted policies that gave his own life such brilliancy, and his country such an impetus to prosperity! Washington's mind was never idly employed. Whether at church, in the field, at home, or in the soldier's camp, he was the same self-possessed patriot. He was beloved by his friends-feared and respected by his enemies. Were the world, and especially his countrymen, in possession of the thoughts which passed through his mind while an incumbent of the pew, how much more could they have reason to feel proud of their Patriæ Pater? They would have been heirs to a richer legacy than they inherited in his Farewell Address, when he exclaimed: "The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your politicel fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed; it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustom

ing yourselves to think and speak of it as a palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principle. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts-of common dangers, sufferings, and success. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. While, then, every part

of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of

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