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faith of the Spanish government: the signature of the king of Spain was affixed to the bonds, and the ministers of the different courts of Europe, then at the Spanish court, have given their sanction to the agreement. The greatest portion of the money which was thus lent to the king of Spain was appropriated to his own service, and to defray the expenses of the court. But, no sooner did the French forces enter the country, and no sooner had the king of Spain entered the French camp, than he caused to be cancelled all the obligations in which he had bound himself to these bondholders, and thus perpetrated one of the most glaring acts of bad faith that had ever been committed. Certainly, these bondholders had not given a power to the government to act for them under the convention which determined the claims to which this bill applied: still, their claims were good; and though the British ambassador had it not in his power to protest against the confiscation of their property, at the time it was so shamefully and openly made, he conceived that his majesty's government might interpose their good offices with the French government, in order to induce that government to compel the king of Spain to discharge their just claims. The French had declared, on entering Spain, that they did not go there to injure the property of individuals; but that their sole purpose was to re-establish the government of Spain, and to place the king upon the throne. It was therefore probable, that France might be induced to interfere in this matter, so as to make the court of Spain restore their property to these unfortunate bondholders.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he did not wish to express an opinion which could be considered in any way unfavourable to the claims of the individuals on whose behalf the hon. gentleman had spoken, but the hon. gentleman must see, that those claims were totally different from these particular claims to which the present bill applied. The claimants, in the present instance, were persons whose property had been seized by vessels employed by government. Now, the individuals of whom the hon. gentleman had spoken, stood in the situation of persons who, placing a reliance upon the faith of a foreign government, entered into pecuniary engagements with that government; and, under such circumstances,

they must be prepared to bear upon their own shoulders the misfortune, if it should so happen that that government did not adhere to its engagements. He conceived it would be an unsafe principle to admit, that the government of this country should interfere in such a case. He distinctly refrained from expressing an opinion ad verse to their claims, but he doubted much the propriety of this government inters fering on their behalf.

Sir R. Wilson would merely recal to the recollection of the right hon. gentle man the case of the South American bond holders. The Secretary for Foreign Affairs had exercised his influence on their be half, so as to induce the governments in South America to make an adjustment of their claims; as they ought to do to sup port their own credit, and as they were bound to do by virtue of the engagements into which they had entered. Now, here was a gross instance of a violation of good faith on the part of the king of Spain; and he conceived that the government of this country might very properly afford aid to these unfortunate bondholders, with a view to procure them redress. The report was agreed to.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, April 16.

FINANCE COMMITTEE.] Mr. Maberly begged to know whether it was the in tention of government to re-appoint the Finance Committee. He had expected the announcement of such an intention, and was convinced that nothing would tend to satisfy the public, so much as an investigation of our financial affairs by such a committee as that which last year gave such general satisfaction.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that the object of the hon. member was, in a great measure, accomplished by the mode which had recently been adopted by the noble Secretary for Ireland, of re ferring the Irish estimates to a select committee. This was a very important branch of the public expenditure; and he thought that the subject would be sifted more satisfactorily in this isolated manner, than if the whole question of our financial system were opened to the investigation of any committee, however able and industrious. In fact, such had been the hon. member's opinion early in the present session.

tion, it would have fetched a higher price; not that he considered the present sum under its value.

Mr. Hume did not object to the bill, but to the secret mode in which the canal had been disposed of. He thought there must have existed private reasons for not bringing it openly into the market, and

bidder. This was a fresh instance of the necessity of parliament exercising a vigi. lant control over the expenditure of the public money; for had it done so, the present loss of 160,000l. to the country would have been prevented. He was not sorry that the canal had been disposed of, for, like other government undertakings, from the Caledonian to the Ridout canal, it had turned out an expensive failure.

Mr. Herries said, that so far from se crecy having been observed in the sale of the canal, for twenty years it had been actually in the market, with a view to inducing a high price from the competition of buyers. Public auction had been also tried, but it had failed. The present tender was the highest that had been offered, or perhaps that could be expected; and it was, therefore, very properly ac cepted by the government.

CITY CANAL.] The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to state to the House the reasons which actuated his majesty's government, in the proposed sale of the City Canal, leading across that part of the Isle of Dogs which interposed between Blackwall and Limehouse, and running parallel with the West India Docks. This canal had been undertaken, in conse-selling it by public auction to the highest quence of the circuitous navigation of the Thames in that part of the river, which frequently prevented vessels from reaching their destination higher in the river for a whole tide. The improvement was thought not only a desirable one in this respect; but it was represented, when the bill for the canal was introduced, that it would prove a profitable speculation, inasmuch as the duties which were imposed at a fluctuating rate, from two-pence to seven-pence per ton, in proportion to the size of the vessel, would not only pay, within a few years, the money expended, but return a sum so much greater than the interest, that a surplus would be created sufficient to keep it in repair, and to defray various charges of maintaining moorings, &c. in the port of London. The canal was purchased by the government in 1799, as a kind of part payment for what the port of London owed to the consolidated fund; with the expectation, that the tonnage dues of vessels passing through it would be a profitable source of revenue. But that expectation had not been realized on the contrary, there had been an annual loss of 1,2007. per annum for several years; that is, the expenditure exceeded the receipts of the canal by 1,2007. a year: and besides this annual loss, 20,000l. would be required, in a few years, for the mere repairs of the canal, if it were not, in the mean time, disposed of. Under these circumstances, government had gladly accepted of the tender of the West India Dock Company of 120,000l. for their interest, a sum only 28,000l. less than they gave for it, and which would be applied to the reduction of the debt due by the port of London to the consolidated fund. Had a higher tender been offered, it would of course have been accepted; but no such had been offered, though the sale was open to competition. He would move, "That leave be given to bring in a bill for the sale of the City Canal, and for other purposes relating thereto."

Mr. Warburton contended, that if the canal had been disposed of by public auc

Mr. P. Thomson was sure that 120,000%. was a less price from the West India Dock Company, to whom the canal recommended itself by such peculiar advantages, than a lower sum from other parties. If, therefore, the canal had been put up to public auction, that company would most probably have given a higher price for it. If it had been set up to sale in the year 1815, it would probably have fetched a higher price; as that was a year of great speculation. The St. Catharine Dock Company would very probably have purchased it. He conceived that it would have been better for the public to have kept this canal even at a loss for a few years longer, than to have sold it to a body, whose only reason for wishing to have it in their hands, was to promote their own monopoly, and not to serve the trade of the port of London.

Mr. Irving maintained, that the West India Dock Company were anxious to obtain possession of this canal as well for the pub lic advantage, as for the promotion of their own private interests. They wished to have possession of this canal, in order to secure the property in the West India, Docks from the dangers of fires; which might

nity of knowing its details. He should certainly hereafter give all the opposition in his power to the principle of the bill.91

occur if this canal were left open for promiscuous use. He contended, that its passing into their hands would afford them the means of giving additional accommodation to the trade of the port. So far from the chancellor of the Exchequer having procured a low price for the canal, he had got a great deal more for it than it was worth. The West India Dock Company had been badly treated by the right hon. gentleman. They were told, in the first instance, that there were a number of competitors, and when the purchase came to be completed, it was found that they had no competitor at all, and they were bound to the price which they had offered, which was by one half too much for it.

Mr. Maberly contended, that the best way of disposing of this canal would have been to have put it up to public sale, with a reserved price. This was a public high road; and he did not see what right the House would have to shut it up, until at least the parties whose interests might suffer from the closing of it were heard against it. The principle of public competition in the disposal of public property should not have been departed from in this instance.

The bill was read a first time, after which, the House adjourned to the 28th 3! X 3LJ instant. Tuw.ksid

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HOUSE OF LORDS. 608)
Tuesday, April 28.
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The House met pursuant to adjourn-
ment. The Lord Chancellor, at half-past
On the
three, appeared in the House.
left, or Opposition side of the House as
it is termed, several ladies were seated,
whose attendance appeared to be oc-
casioned by a desire to be present at
the introduction of the Roman Catholic
peers into their lordships' House. Soon
after, the duke of Norfolk, lord Clifford,
and lord Dormer entered, accompanied
by several noble friends, and proceeded to
the table of the House, and severally took
the oath prescribed by the Catholic Relief
Bill. Their lordships then resumed their
seats.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Tuesday, April 28.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer contended, that upon the showing of the hon. MINUTES.] Mr. HUME gave notice of a motion, for the

member for Bramber, the government had obtained the highest price that could be obtained for this Canal. Of late, it had been perfectly useless; for steam-packets now towed vessels up the river with such rapidity, that no ships would undergo the expense and delay attendant upon passing through this Canal. He conceived, that the disposal of it would be beneficial to the port of London, as one effect of the measure would be the reduction of the tonnage duty on shipping. In answer to the hon. member for Dover, he should merely say, that this Canal had been for some years past on sale, and that the St. Catharine's Dock Company could have purchased it if they had thought proper.

Leave was given to bring in the bill.

19th of May, for leave to bring in a bill to amend the 9th Geo. 4th, which related to the duties on corn, for the purpose of substituting a permanent duty, instead of the ascending and descending scale of that act.-- Mr. HUME moved a resolution, to be taken into considera tion on Friday, making it a standing order of the House, that twenty-four hours' notice should in future be given in writing of the first and third reading of any private bill.

REGULATION OF PARISH VESTRIES.] Mr. Hobhouse rose to make his promised motion with respect to the Regulation of Parish Vestries. He said, that it would be necessary for him upon this occasion to take up more of the time of the House than he should have felt inclined to do, were it not that he was impressed with the great importance of the subject which he was about to introduce to their notice. Without attaching too great or any factitious importance to that subject, he would say that it was one which at all periods had very much engaged the attention of the people of this country,-that it was one which well deserved the general attention of the people, and one which, on 97Mr. Fyler said, he should give no op- various occasions, in recent periods of our position to the bill in its present stage. history, had been agitated even in that He was sanxious that it should now be House. He was perfectly well aware, printed, to afford the country an opportu- I that there existed a great number of im

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SILK TRADE BILL.] Mr. Courtenay brought in a bill to impose certain duties upon the importation of Silk goods, and to allow a draw-back upon the exportation thereof.

portant topics which hon. members were in the habit of bringing before the House, and to which they might conceive they had more reason to claim the attention of the House; but he was also convinced, that in looking fairly at this subject, and examining its details, it would be found to be one materially involving the interests, the comforts, the happiness, and the well-being of society; and as such he considered that there were few questions which more deserved the serious attention of the representatives of the people. He was not only impressed with the importance of this subject, because he now brought forward a question regarding the parochial management of this country, but he was also impressed with the importance and necessity of such a measure for this reason, that whenever applications had been hitherto made to the House of Commons for the alteration of the local government in individual parishes, the answer uniformly to the supporters of such applications was, that they should bring forward some general measure respecting the system of parochial management throughout the country, and that then, and then only, the subject could be properly discussed. He regretted that this subject had not fallen into abler hands he regretted that it had not been brought forward by some member of his majesty's government; but, at all events, he trusted that he should have the support and cooperation of the government in the measure which he was about to introduce.

He should now proceed to the details of this subject. At this moment the assessment for parochial management, and of course for the support of the poor, was so immense as to afford convincing proof of the importance of this subject. It appeared, from a return presented in February, 1828, that the poor-rates in England and Wales amounted to 7,784,3561.; and that out of that sum 1,362,0007., being about seventeen per cent upon the whole sum, was devoted to other purposes besides the relief of the poor. What use was made of that money he was not enabled, looking at the return, to state; but, of course, a considerable portion of that money was expended-indeed, the fact was quite notorious that it was so→→ upon the management and collection of that enormous sum. Honourable members would have some notion of the importance of this subject, when they learned, that

the enormous sum thus raised was a great deal larger than what was raised in many states of Europe for their whole revenue. It amounted to nearly 8,000,0002., and if to this were added the 4,000,000l. which were raised for other objects, for paving, lighting, watching, and church-rates; and the collection and disposal of which were subject to parochial management, they had thus a sum amounting to almost onefourth of the entire revenue of the coun try. Last year the whole revenue of the United States amounted to only 5,539,0001. The revenues of Turin, the two Sicilies, Spain, and Portugal, all put together, amounted to 12,500,000Z.-a sum exceed ing only by half a million the sum levied by parochial rates in this country for the support of the poor, and for other objects of parochial government. That sum, in fact, now exceeded the whole revenue raised fifty years ago for all the objects of the government of England. In 1795, the poor-rates amounted only to 2,500,0001, When they came to examine the details of individual parishes, hon. members would be surprised at the enormous amount of the rates levied on some parishes. In the parish of Marylebone there were one hundred and twenty thousand inhabitant householders, and the poor-rates in that parish amounted to 173,000-a sum twice as great as that raised for the revenue of seven German duchies. In the parish of St. James, the parochial rates amounted to 63,000l.; in St. Giles's and St. George's, Bloomsbury, to 50,000l.; and, in the parish of Clerkenwell, to the sum of 38,000l., being twice as much, and 2,000l. over, as the entire revenue of a state which had been honoured by the alliance of one of the princesses of this country, the Duchy of Hesse Hombourg, for the government of which but 18,0007. was levied annually. The poor-rates in the parish of St. Martin-in-the-fields amounted to 30,000l., and in the parish of St. Pancras to 34,000.; and the whole of the rates levied this year in Middlesex amounted to 799,000l., out of which the sum of 101,0001, was employed for other purposes than the relief of the poore

Now, it was natural for the inhabitants of these parishes, when they saw such a large sum of money thus expended,when they beheld moreover the jealousy with which the House and the country watched over the proceedings of such public functionary as the Chancellor of the

Exchequer, it was quite natural that they should inquire into the proceedings of those to whose management their parochial concerns were intrusted, and whom they looked upon as neither higher nor better than themselves. It was natural that they should be anxious to know whether parliament would sanction the continuance of those self-elected, uncontrollable vestries for the management of their parochial affairs.

--

Some hon. members might maintain, that the constitution of this country countenanced the existence of such bodies as these self-elected uncontrollable vestries, but he would refer them to the opinion of a popular author, who was in the hands of every gentleman-to prove the contrary. Dr. Burn states, that under the common law of this country, the parish-rates consisted of scot and lot that no person had a right to attend vestries but those who paid these rates-but that all the parishioners had a right to be present. He proceeded to state, that afterwards, for the general convenience and better dispatch of business, the people deputed certain individuals to manage their parochial affairs; that, in the course of time, the inhabitants of those parishes thus came to lose their right, not only to be present at and to participate in the management of their parochial concerns, but even the right to elect those persons who were to manage them for them; and that thus the select vestries came to be established. He (Mr. Hobhouse) had heard it declared from the bench in this country, that there existed the sanction of ancient prescription for these select vestries; but he dissented entirely from the doctrine, that there was any real, old, ancient custom to sanction their existence. There was no right attached to these select vestries, which was not of very modern date indeed. Their power of levying watchrates existed under the 9th of George 2nd. The power of levying the paving and lighting tax was conferred by the 10th of George 2nd and the poor-rates were levied, as every one knew, under the 43rd of Elizabeth. It would be found, therefore, that there existed no ancient preseription to sanction the powers exercised by these select vestries. He had already shown from Dr. Burn the manner in which they d had been originally constituted. That writer adduced no authority to show that they had any ancient custom or pre

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scription in their favour. He mentions a case which occurred in the year 1691, where an issue was tried at law respecting a select vestry, and its power was coun tenanced and confirmed by the decision of the court; but he adds, that the original commentator on the case says, that the reasons and arguments not having been mentioned, it was impossible to say upon what grounds the opinion of the court was formed in that instance. In the year 1740, a similar issue was tried respecting the parish of Northallerton, and in that case the ancient custom which was set up by the select vestry, was held by the court to be "ill." He would go to a case which bore more on this point than any to which he had alluded-he meant that of the parish of St. Martin-in-the-fields. That parish formerly embraced the parishes of St. Margaret, Westminster; St. John; St. Anne, Soho: St. George, Hanover-square; and St. Paul, Covent-garden; and it afforded a curious instance of the manner in which the select vestry had gradually usurped the management of the affairs of that parish. The parochial book of the parish of St. Martin-in-the-fields com menced with the year 1576. At that time, no select vestry existed in that parish. The vestry was first mentioned in the book under the date of 1660, when it appeared, that the members of it were chosen by the parishioners at large. A select vestry, on the principle of the present one, was first constituted in that parish by Gilbert Sheldon, bishop of London, in 1662, and it was afterwards confirmed by Humphry Hench man, bishop of London, in 1672. The present select vestry in that parish was established by the operation of the 10th of queen Anne, for the building of cer tain new churches. By that Act commissioners were appointed, with power to...nominate certain persons as the vestry to manage the parochial affairs, and on their decease their places to be filled up by other persons nominated by the vestry thus appointed. It was plain, then, that the select vestry in the parish of Star Martin-in-the-fields was first constituted under the 10th of Anne, in its existing d form. It appeared that the opposition to the select vestries manifested itself at an early period. By reference to the Journals of the House it would be found, that on the 15th of January, 1695, leave was given to bring in a Bill for the Regulato

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