who is defirous of being well acquainted with the history of the conftitution, government, laws, civil and military affairs, religion, learning, arts, commerce, fhipping, manners, drefs, remarkable cuftoms, &c. of Great Britain, will think himself much indebted to Dr. Henry for the pains he has taken to collect almost every thing that is necessary to be known concerning the feveral heads already mentioned, and for the judgment he has fhewn in the arrangement of his materials. This Volume continues the hiftory from the death of King John, A. D. 1216, to the acceffion of Henry IV. in 1399.-In the second section of the third chapter, we have a fhort but diftinct account of the important changes that were made in the conftitution, government, and laws of this country in the reign of Edward I., who, though illuftrious as a general, was ftill more illustrious as a legiflator. To prevent confufion in our views of this fubject, Dr. Henry confiders the changes that were made at this period, 1. In the conftitution of the parliament; 2. In the magistrates and courts of juftice; 3. In the statutelaw; 4. In the common law; 5. In the prerogatives of the crown; and, 6. In the royal revenues. As the parliaments of England have been the guardians of its liberties, the framers of its laws, the impofers of its taxes, the great counfellors of its Kings, and the fupreme judges of the lives and properties of its people, in every age, the flate of thofe illuftrious affemblies, their conftituent members, and other circumstances, claim, our Author juflly obferves, the first and chief attention of all who wish to trace the hiftory of the conftitution with any degree of accuracy. Accordingly, in the fourth and fifth fections of the third chapter of this volume, he gives us a clear and concife view of this important fubject. In the third fection of the fourth chapter we have the history of the chief feminaries of learning in Great Britain from A. D. 1216, to A. D. 1399. A very great and advantageous change in the ftate of our two univerfities took place, we are told, in this period, and merits our attention. It had been usual, before this time, for teachers and scholars to lodge and ftudy in private houses or halls, which they rented from the citizens. This was attended with many inconveniencies, and gave occafion to frequent quarrels between the ftudents and citizens about the rents. Various methods were employed to prevent thefe quarrels, which disturbed the peace, and even threatened the deftruction, of the univerfities. In particular, Henry III., A. D. 1231, appointed two refpectable citizens, and two mafters of arts, to be chofen annually, and invefted with authority to determine all difputes. between the citizens and ftudents about the rents of houfes : But this, and all other methods for preferving peace between the townsmen and scholars, while this occafion of contention conti 3 nued, nued, proved ineffectual. At length, fome generous perfons (determined to deliver the members of the univerfities from their too great dependence on the town(men) purchased or built large houses, and admitted both teachers and fcholars to refide in them, without paying any rent. Thofe munificent friends of learning foon difcovered that many ingenious young men, admitted into their houses, were but ill provided with the means of rewarding their teachers, purchafing books, and procuring other neceffaries, which induced them and others to enlarge their charity, and to endow thofe houfes with lands, tenements, and revenues, for the maintenance of a certain number of teachers and ftudents. By thefe fteps the building and endowing of colleges became the prevailing tafte of the rich and generous in this period, as the building and endowing of monafteries had been in former times. In confequence of this prevailing tafte, several noble halls and colleges were erected and endowed in both our univerfities, chiefly between the middle of the thirteenth and the middle of the fourteenth century. The feventh chapter contains the hiftory of the manners, remarkable cuftoms, language, dress, diverfions, &c. of the people of Great Britain, during the period already mentioned. A short extract from this chapter may not be unacceptable to our Readers. What could exhibit a more fantastical appearance than an Englith beau of the fourteenth century? He wore long-pointed shoes, faftened to his knees by gold or silver chains;-hofe of one colour on one leg, and of another colour on the other; fhort breeches, which did not reach to the middle of his thighs, and diclofed the shape of all the parts included in them; a coat, one half white, and the other half black or blue; a long beard; a filk hoed, buttoned under his chin, embroidered with grotefque figures of animals, dancing men, &c. and fometimes ornamented with gold, filver, and precious flones. This dress was the very top of the mode in the reign of Edward the Third. The dress of the gay and fashionable ladies, who frequented the public diverfions of thefe times, was not more decent or becoming.It is thus defcribed by Knyghton, A. D. 1348, "Thefe tournaments are attended by many ladies of the first rank and greatest beauty, but not always of the moft untainted reputation. Thefe ladies are dreffed in party-coloured tunics, one half being of one colour, and the other half of another; their lirripipes or tippets are very fhort; their caps remarkably little, and wrapt about their heads with cords; their girdles and pouches are ornamented with gold and filver, and they wear fhort fwords, called daggers, before them, a little below their navels; they are mounted on the finest horfes, with the richest furniture. Thus equipped, they ride from place to place in queft of tournaments, by which they diffipate their fortunes, and ruin their reputations."-The head-dreffes of the ladies underwent many changes in the courfe of this period. They were fometimes enormously high, rifing almofl three feet above the head, in the fhape. of of fugar-loaves, with ftreamers of fine filk flowing from the top of them to the ground. Upon the whole, I am fully perfuaded, that we have no good reason to pay any compliments to our ancestors of this period, at the expence of our contemporaries, either for the frugality, elegance, or decency of their drefs.' The Appendix to this volume contains the great charter of King Henry III., granted November 12th, A. D. 1216, in the first year of his reign, with a tranflation of the fame; his charter, A. D. 1258, in the vulgar English of that time, with a literal tranflation interlined; and an account of the provifions, &c. at the installation feast of Ralph de Borne, Abbot of St. Austin's Abbey, Canterbury, with their prices A. D. 1309. This we fhall infert for the entertainment of our Readers. Wheat, 53 loads, price £. 19 Malt, 58 loads Wine, II tuns Oats, 20 loads Spices 4 28 Wax, 300 pounds 8 Almonds, 500 pounds 3 Carcaffes of beef, 30 27 Hogs, 100 16 Sheep, 200 30 Geese, 1000 Capons and hens, 500 Chickens, 463 16 6 3 14 Pigs, 200 Swans, 34 Rabbits, 600 Shields of Braun, 17 Partridges, mallards, bitterns, larks Earthen pots, 1000 Salt, 9 loads Cups 1400, difhes and plates 3300, bafons, &c. Fish, cheefe, milk, garlic 5 7 ART. ART. XII. The Fair Circaffian, a Tragedy. As performed at the. Theatre Royal, Drury-lane. By Mr. Pratt, Author of Sympa tby, a Poem. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Baldwin. 1781. HA AWKESWORTH's oriental tale of Almoran and Hamet was infcribed to His Majefty. The Fair Circaffian is offered to the Prince of Wales; and Mr. Pratt pronounces that at an age when the heart opens to the most warm and generous impreffions, the precepts of Omar, and the practice of Hamet, as drawn by Hawkefworth, and dramatized by the Author of this tragedy, will win upon his Royal Highness's at tention.' The draught of Hawkefworth is indeed worthy fuch attention; but this tragedy can, in our opinion, very little contribute to the young Prince's inftruction or entertainment. To the Dedication fucceeds a Preface, couched in the following terms. This tragedy borrows its general ftory, and fome of its incidents, with as much of its fentiment as could be preferved, from the very beautiful " Almoran and Hamet" of Hawkefworth. Did not truth and juftice require fuch acknowledgment, it would have been unneceffary; for what can be added to the fame of a work as known as univerfally celebrated? The original machinery has been rejected, because it would have been too daring an attempt to interweave it with the fable of a modern compofition, and perhaps too mighty a tak to manage, without violating the firft great law of dramatick probability. Nevertheless it has been the Author's endeavour, to "convert the fententious display of eaftern wisdom, as far as character would permit, into the language of paffion, varied by every motive which might affect the human mind in the moft warm and interesting fituations." These are the words of a critic, who feems fully to have penetrated the defign. The lines with inverted comas were omitted in the representation, to favour the rapidity of the action. They are retained in the printed copy, not more at the inftance of particular friends, than on general experience, that thofe paffages which retard the force of the paffion on the theatre, are frequently read with fatisfaction in the closet. The Play ftill continuing to be received on the ftage with the most brilliant fuccefs, the Author would but half discharge the debt of equity, were he to confefs obligations only to Hawkesworth. The liberal, perhaps the unparalleled fupport which the managers have afforded by the dreffes and scenery, the interefting manner in which Mr. Linley has fet the Epithalamium, the taste of Mr. De Loutherberg, and the splendour which the performers have thrown over the characters by their EXCELLENT reprefentation, demand and receive the most warm and pointed expreffions of gratitude. There remains but one tribute of justice more, and that is due to Mr. Sheridan, whose attention has been friendship, and whose affistance muit always be fame.' From See Review for September last, p. 220. From this Preface we learn, that could any reputation be added to the celebrity of the tale of Hawkefworth, its fame would be increased by the prefent Tragedy; in which the original machinery is rejected, but wisdom and pafion are mingled, and that-fome lines omitted in reprefentation, are retained in print, to oblige particular friends, and to please the Public in general;-that the play fill continues on the stage with the most brilliant fuccefs!-that the tailor, and fcene-painters, the compofer and machinist, the performers and managers, have all confpired to fhew their friendship to the Author by their attention, and to establish his fame by their affiftance. Amidst all this crowd of friends, this fplendid hoft of patrons and upholders, we ftand like Cordelia in the prefence of Lear, on the partition of his kingdom'; and we moft heartily with that we could, like Cordelia, when demanded to declare our fentiments, answer-NOTHING! But being constrained to fpeak, we will answer according to our bond, nor more, nor lefs. Whoever has perused the oriental ta'e of Hawkefworth, will, we truft, acknowledge that it required uncommon address to adapt it to the ftage. The machinery, as Mr. Pratt calls it, confifts chiefly of perfonal transformation, which is not only particularly unfuitable to tragic exhibition, but is by Hawkefworth fo closely interwoven in the business of the story, that it is almoft impoffible to carry on the main incidents without its affiftance. This however has been attempted, and, in our opinion, moft clumfily executed by the Author of The Fair Circafian. In the Tale, every circumftance is clear; in the Tragedy, all is confufion. The characters are fript of all their interest and delicacy; the fentiments, though trite, appear forced; the diction is generally bald and inelegant, and often conveyed in the most hobbling verfification. Thefe being our real fentiments, we cannot join the affiftants in the numerous cavalcade, who, like the proceffion of the mock-mafons, blow their cowhorns, and poft-horns, and beat their butter-tubs, in the theatrical triumph of the Author; nor can we defcend to a more minute investigation of the merits of his work: but from refpect to the brilliant fuccefs with which it feems, by the Author's own report, to have been received on the stage, we fhall fubmit to our Readers, a fcene in the fourth act, between the two principal perfonages in the drama. SCENE VIII. The Infide of the Seraglio. Mufic Mutes attending. • Almeida. O vain magnificence of impious grandeur Poor ineffectual gildings to fet off Th' imprifon'd victim with a fhew of pleasure. And |