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contend it was the same with the onyx; but Montfaucon, who gives various specimens of the ancient drinking-vases, is convinced from what Arrian says, that it was a separate matter : the murrhinian cups were molt esteemed of all others, as well for their gold and purple Thades, as for their natural perfume; they were first brought into Rome by Pompey, when he returned in triumph from the East.
• 2. Lesbia vina] This wine is noted by Horace, as a light wine fit for the summer, and not intoxicating; Athenæus terms it oivógiov; it is the same with what Virgil, Geo. 2, and our poet, Eleg. 9. Lib.
4. call Methymnaum, from Methymna, a city of Lesbos. See what Ari. foule says of Lesbian wine, according to Aulus Gellius, Lib. 12. Cap.5.
4. funibus ire rates:) The ancients, like us, not only navigated vessels along rivers with fails and oars, but also drew them along with cords faitened to men and beats : thus Ausonius in Moselle,
Tu duplices fortite vias; et quum amne fecundo
Intendunt collo malorum vincula nauta. 5. fatas filvas,] Livineius injudiciously writes facras filvas; but Passeratius juftly interprets these words, trees planted in certain ranks of orders; for filva is often put, as he clearly proves, for a single tree ; in such ranks, Virgil, Geor. 2. recommends the planting of vines, as well for utility as ornament. The Romans went to an immense expence in the culture of their woods, or parks belonging to their villas. See an excellent note, and applicable story upon this subject, in Grainger's Tiballus, Eleg 3. Lib. 3. • 8. Nescit Amor, &c.] See our poet, Eleg, 5.
Nefcit Amor prifcis cedere imaginibus. 9. trahit quietem, ] Pafferatius interprets this paffage by; contract. ing, shortening the night; for the night, to a very fond lover, when with his mistress, never seems long enough; but I think that trahere here fimply means ducere, as Virgil uses it, Æneid. 4.
Nate dea, potes hoc sub cafu ducere fumnos ? *12. l. rubris gemma fub æquoribus.] The Erythrean sea so named by the Greeks from its King Erythra, is called by the Latins mare rubrum; perhaps says Pliny, Lib. 8. Cap. 22. from its waters being tinged red, by the reverberation of the solar rays; perhaps from the colour of its sands, or foil; or from the natural redness of its waters. And in his Proem, to Lib. 12. he informs us, that on its banks were found in great quantities pearls and curious fhells, particularly the murex, from which a purple dye was extracted.
14. dum me fata perire volent.] Broukhusius cannot persuade himself, that Propertius wrote thus; for, says he, it is dura atque inaufpicata locutio; from which, he adds, that the Romans religioully abftained; and he would fain fubfitute in its room venire, or manere : but let those subscribe to this refinement who chuse is.
• 16. trifli] This word bere means, unkind, unpropitious; as in Tibullus, El. 7. L. 1.
Semper, ut inducar, blandos offers mibi vultus :
Poft tamen es misero tristis et asper, Amor. • 16. præmia] This word is usurped for pecuniary riches, by Nevius, after Priscianus.
19. Arabium transcendere limen,] Some editors write less elegantly confcendere. By Arabian thresholds, or doors, are understood such valuable ones as are made of onyx, or alabaster, which is fouod in Arabia. See Diodorus Siculus, Lib. 2. upon Arabian marble ; and Pliny, Lib. 36. Cap. 7. The wealthy Romans incrusted iheir whole houses with marble ; and we are informed by Pliny, that Mamurra Formianus, a Roman knight, whom Catullus lashes with such determined virulence, was the first in Rome who so decorated his house.
• 22. variis ferica textilibus ?] Woven coverlids for beds, as well as all other woven manufactures. Babylonica Aragula et periffromala, were first invented by the Egyptians, as Pliny tells us, Lib. 7. cap. 56. those of filk were particularly costly; for lilk was but little known among the Romans : Theophanes, the Byzantine historian, tells us, that a certain Persian frst brought ölk-worms from the nation of the Seres, the present Chinese, co Conftantinople, under the Emperor Juftinian, and taught the Romans how Glk was produced. Salmafius, in Vopisc. observes, that the ancients had, like us, filk fuffs, woven with thread one way, and filk another ; which they called fubferici and tramoferici; but such as were entirely of folk they called beloferiti, and esteemed at high value. Spartianus informs us, that the magnificent emperor Heliogabalus was the first who wore a garment wholly of filk; and Vopiscus remarks, that, in the time of Aurelian, a pound of filik was worth a pound of gold.
24. Alcinoi munera] The riches of Alcinous, king of the Phæa. cians; and the vast gifts he lavished upon Ulysses, at his departure from Corcyra, are amply described by Homer, Odyl. 7. et 13.
Ar?, V. Modern Mangers: In a Series of Familiar Epiltles. 8vo.
25. Od. Faulder. 1781. Profeffed imitation of the Bath Guide, and one of the best
that we recollect to have seen of that exquifite original. The characters are, an old Country Squire, bis Nephew and Niece, and an old maiden Aunt, who come up to town on a vifit to a modern fine lady. As a specimen of this writer's manner, take the following detached passages from the 7th epistle.
• My Lord, t'other evening when dinner was done, And bouiles and glasses, and fruit, were fec on, Said, he d just got a card from my Lady CHATTONY, Who beg'd him to come to her Conversatione : Go with me, he cried, and l'll promile a creat ; There the gay, and the grave, and the learned will meet : There men of all tastes, and all humours you'll kind, And may join in the party that's most :o your mind. I was pleas’d with this thing, I ne'er heard of before, So bis Lord'hip commande che coach to the door: Away then they drove us, but when we got there, The room was so full we could scarce find a chair: Kate got to the sopha, by yourg lady HORNER, Whom the'd seen at my Lord's-GEURge popp'd down in a corner. For niv part, poor mortal! I sat down behind, Side window and door, in a currens of wind;
That I'm quite hoarse this morning, you need not be told,
Then the coffee and tea
Were pour'd out d'ye see,
And indeed I muft own,
Tho' cold as a flone,
When they'd handed about
To all the gay rout,
Quickly out of our fight,
li attonish'd me quite,
Then they got into parties, as suired them beft,
* • Next a party of critics and authors I join'd, And thoughi I had found out a set to my mind : Cries a little black man, “ I'm convinc'd, Dr. Guzzle, “ 'Tis a poor paltry book that's just wrote by one Puzzle. " I'm cold too that Ratsbane and SCREECHOwl abuse it"Have you, my dear Doctor, had time to peruse it?" " O, yes, I've juft kimm'd it'tis terrible trash, “ An oleo of nonsense, an ill-favour'd bash.” “ Sir, good Mr. SHUTTLECOCK's pamphlet (depend on't) “ Which he's going to publish, will soon make an eod on'." I heard,” cries another, at CADELL's, to-day, “ That Johnson's in town, and is writing away ; “ I was charm'd with his Milton; what judgment and spirit! “ Mr. RegỊCIDE, sure you'll allow this has merit? “ You've read it, no doubi, Sir,"~" Not I, Sir, indeed " Read JOHNSON!-I'd sooner subscribe to the creed ! “ His opinions, religious and civil, I hate “ Sir, he'd make us all slaves to the church and the state!”" Gud Sir,” cries a Scot, springing up from behind, And presenting his souff box, “ you're quite o' my mind; ** Tho' the doctor would faio give all poets the law, “ O'the spirit of verse he knows nothing at a'. “ In spite of his critique, I canne' perceive, " What there is in your prem of Adam and Eve; “ An you read Ossian, MILTON canna ga doun, “ 'Tis lik after a virgin a mess o' che trun: “ On this subject the Doctor does nothing but dreamg " For he is jou purblind to ken the sublocaic.”
ART. VI. The Interest of Great Britain, with regard to ber American
Colonies considered: To which is added an Appendix, containing the Outlines of a Plan for a general Pacification. By James Anderson, M. A. Author of Observations on the Means of exciting a Spirit of National Industry, &c. 8vo. 25. 60. Cadell. 1782. N times when subjects of gereral importance engage the at
tention of the Public, and teeming heads are delivered of thoughts for their own ease and the benefit of others, any person, whatever his opinions may be, can be furnished with ready-made arguments to support them, that will fit them as neatly, as a tall, short, fat, lean, strait, or crooked man, may be fitted with a suit of cloaths at Monmouth-ftreet or Rosemary-lane : It is indeed as happy for communities as for individuals, that we have such a facility in accommodating our thoughts to circumftances as they arise ; for the train of reasoning pursued in this very sensible essay, which, perhaps, the ingenious Author himfelf never conceived, till it was dictated by events, may now operate as a cordial, by its novelty, though the taste of it would have been totally difrelished at the close of the late war, when we were Aufhed with conquests, and congratulated ourselves on the recent extension of the British empire. After having been repeatedly told, both in print and in the fenate, that our welfare as a nation, depended on preserving the supreme government over our American colonies; we are now comforted under the loss of them, by a difquifition, the result of which is,
• That our American colonies, initead of promoting the trade and manufactures of Great Britain, have terded in a most powerful mans ner to depress them. That instead of adding strength and liability to the empire, they have necessarily weakened it to a great degree, and exposed it to the molt imminent danger. That, therefore, the fettling of these colonies at first was unwise, and the subsequent encourage. ment ebat was given them highly impolitic.'
To maintain these pofitions may be deemed an arduous task, by those who have ever considered American colonization in a direct contrary point of view; but it is undertaken by a writer, whose abilities we have, on more than one occasion, found to be respectable. Instead of extending this article by attempting an abridged detail of the whole work, which, from the connexion of the several parts, must be injured by curtailing, we Thall confine ourselves to the chapter which treats of the consequences that result from extended dominion, as an abftra&t question; and our choice is the rather directed to this paffage, as the argument of it points directly at certain current opinions, as well relating to ourselves as to the new-formed American States, the validity of which is generally supposed incontrovertible, and may ferve to reconcile us to disappointments, that, according to the writer, oughe rather to give us fatisfaction.
It is, says our Author, admitted, that of two countries containing an equal number of inhabitants, the smallest in extent of territory will be the most powerful. The larger the territory, the more difficult it is to be defended ; many garrisons and numerous troops being required to secure an extended country from insult and danger. The same reasoning applies to the internal police of the country; the difficulty of obtaining prompt justice against transgressors, being much greater in countries where the people are thinly scattered, than where they are more numerous, or live closer together : if therefore equal security is obtained in each, it will be much more chargeable in the large, than in the small country. In a well-peopled country, the labourer and manufacturer are so near neighbours, that they exchange the produce of their industry with great facility, and with the least possible waste of labour; therefore the produce of the fields, and manufactures, can be afforded at the lowest posfible rate.
But if a country be thinly peopled, all commodities must be carried confiderable distances to market; and the expence of carriage enhances the price of goods without adding to their value: To this must be added, the labour and charge attending making and supporting extensive roads of communication between different parts of the country.
It is for such reasons Mr. Anderson calls the large country, thinly peopled, the poor country; the smaller, and more populous, the rich country: and the taxes required for supporting the civil and military establishment, are railed cheaper, and are of course more productive, in the latter than in the former. The poor country therefore is doubly opprefled, as being more reverely taxed, and being after all, much weaker than the rich one. He extends the parallel to a greater variety of circums stances than we can attend to, and concludes that the only states where the felicity of the people has been considerable and duravle, have been those whole want of power precluded any ideas of conqueft to enlarge their territorics. After this gencral doctrine, he comes to the application :
• If,' says he,' the preceding reasoning be well founded, we bare room to doubt if our forefathers acted wish prudence, when they shewed so much folicitude to extend the bounds of the British empire. in America. We thus acquired, it is true, an immense tract of country, abundantly fertile, and capable of maintaining an innumerable multitude of people, but that country tocally deftitute of ivha. bitants. As individuals in Britain have been accustomed to value their poffeffions, by the extent and fertility of the foil which belonged to them, we naturally enough applied the same rule to judge of the value of those countries that have been annexed to the British empire, not properly adverting to the difference of circumstances between oura selves and the western continent. Had Russia, which is a thinly peopled, and in many places a fercile country, acquired these pos