activity that of the Romans: and fomething of this kind may probably at length prevail, if Europe and the art of war do not decline.

When artillery and cavalry increafe fo as to keep the enemy at a diftance, we fear it is too ftrong an indication that the infantry and the military art itself are on the decline.

He fays there were above 500 pieces of heavy artillery at the battle of Prague, and that they muft coft more than 40,000

foot.

He has three objections to a numerous artillery,—the expence; the number of horses; and the delays.

To support an army, he propofes fixed quarters or barracks, with land. The cultivation, cloathing, &c. to be done by themselves, women, old, wounded, and children. In short, military colonies, which we fear would create a feparation between them and the reft of the people, too favourable to that power which should command them, unless all were fufficiently mixed to form only one obvious intereft, by giving to all the ufe of arms, and their turn to ferve in fuch regiments, quarters, and camps. But even then, without a variety of precautions, whoever commanded them, would command the whole nation: -and without fome method of fecuring the beft poffible commanding officers of corps, &c. (perhaps by election), this would produce a form of fociety defpotic and intolerable to themselves and to the nation.

He afferts, that forty years peace does not atone for fix years war; and that the Ruffians, during their laft war, raised above 300,000 men, for an army which was not 50,000 at the peace. His philofophy of war, though it may feem an affected title, contains many mafterly and well studied obfervations.

That a general benevolence and affection create fimilar fentiments in others:-pride is fullen and difdainful,-vanity open and loquacious, to intemperance.-That rewards fhould go beyond, and punishments below the mark; for no man is infallible, and errors must be forgiven.-That activity is only exerted during the interval between the time of wifhing for and that of acquir ing a thing, and hence only found in the intermediate claffes.

We are not obliged to adopt all the fpeculative opinions of our Author; and many will believe, that other motives may actuate men befides the defire of pre-eminence and glory. We cannot reasonably expect a great General to be equally deep in philofophy as in war, though his practical obfervations on men and things may be of more utility than all the theories of the fchools.

He is juftly furprised to find generals fuppofing fear to be the only principle of action in a foldier, as if he were an ani

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mal of a different fpecies; for furely they will not acknowledge it as the motive of their own actions!

Wherever there is a certainty of the nobility obtaining the rewards and emoluments, and the equal certainty of not obtaining them in the other claffes, the principles of heroism will be extinguifhed in all.

A few republics have produced more great men than all the monarchies put together. In one, the utility of the whole, in the other, the favour of the prince, is the chief object.

A foldier's rewards and enjoyments should be fhort, and his hopes ever kept alive.

Our wants and dependance increase together, and produce a voluntary fubmiffion to thofe who can gratify them; but when no advantage attends compliance, every command is an oppreffion. Man has only a certain degree of fufferance, beyond which lies defpair; and that, with a little means and wifdom, is invincible. Tremble, ye mighty monarchs, and beware; the effects of despair are terrible !-But this period of despair may arrive fooner with fome people than with others, according to their character for fpirit, integrity, &c. Ex. The difference in this between a fet of poor Jews and English of the fame rank would be great. Our colonies had little to complain or despair about; but happily for them, and perhaps for mankind, they wifely forefaw and nobly exerted themselves, to prevent the evils and oppreffions before they came, when it would perhaps have been too late.

But he obferves, that the exertions of revolters diminish with fuccefs, and as their dangers leffen, if no longer attacked and irritated. Had Tarquin,-had Spain, given the revolters time to cool, and diffembled their refentments, a more favourable opportunity would have offered, and perhaps the Roman and Dutch republics would never have existed.

Men truly animated with the fire of liberty are, he obferves, fuperior to those who fight for the power and emoluments of a mafter.

He fays, that no religion offers more powerful motives to action than the Mahometan, and none lefs than the Chriftian, whofe rewards are vague and incomprehenfible, its general tenor peace and fubmiffion, and therefore proper to promote the defigns of tyranny and defpotifm; yet the ambition of its clergy has covered the earth with blood and flaughter.-That the attachment between the fexes is much stronger in the lower and middling claffes, than in the more elevated;-that women fhould carefully ftudy our focial as well as animal wants ;-that could they be made the recompence of honourable actions, we fhould fee great exertions, in order to deferve their efteem and favour.

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He remarks that an Afiatic province is not a fociety connected by mutual ties and obligations, but a fimple aggregation of individuals, like a flock of fheep, whole exiftence depends on the will of the Pacha.-That wherever the property is fixed and hereditary, fome civil liberty muft fubfift. In Europe, industry hath produced a new order of men: the people became free, acquired riches, privileges, and power. A diftribution of power into King, Lords, and Commons, feems the most perfect plan, if they can be kept feparate and independent of each other. Such diftribution was general in Europe for fome centuries, till the executive power, the king's, deftroyed the reft. By introducing ftanding armies, parade, and expence, he foon reduced the nobility to want and dependance: by acting conftantly and fyftematically with the forces and revenues in hand, he reduced the whole to fervitude. -That an occafional militia was long found fufficient: the crown, always inimical to liberty, pretended it was infufficient, and procured the raifing and command of ftanding armies. Political liberty vanished, and civil liberty became precarious. The army is no longer a clafs in the state, but an inftrument of power in the hands of the crown. When the clafs of the law is reduced to few, and easily intimidated and corrupted, a civil tyranny will enfue, as at Rome under the Cæfars. But armies will concur to enforce arbitrary power only to a certain length, unless the foldiers are entirely unconnected with the state; but even then, they are equally fatal to the nation and to the fovereign.

He fays, That all armies degenerate by a long peace, and chiefly thofe of a defpot;-but their attacks are violent and impetuous from irregularity, &c. and if you break, you are undone by their numerous horfe.-But they are weak when attacked; and refiftance diminishes as you approach the capital, where it vanishes: and that the armies of monarchies often want vigour, celerity, and confiftency, unlefs when led by the monarch in perfon. The court, full of intrigue, is weak and fluctuating as the character of the favourites, who often rapidly change; that a republican army must be a militia of citizens who cannot act far from their country, are fufficient for defence, and exert themselves in proportion as they are preffed ;that long and diftant wars, fupported only by money and mercenaries, brought Carthage into diftrefs, and finally to deftruction;-that when the different powers in a state are balanced, it will foon incline to the fide of the executive power, unless it be kept entirely feparate and independent of the legislative, and fhould in no cafe be a part of it;--that there can be no civil wars where the nobility have no influence over the people to unite them, which can only be done now by permanent motives of great importance ;-and that the more extenfive a country, the more easily is it defended-by its army being fupplied from

every point, and the attackers only from one, who will be wafted by fruitless exertions more languid as repeated. If not decided in the beginning, it should be given up.

On camps, marches, forming and opening columns, &c. he has fome very good obfervations. He fays, that the projecting points or baftions of every place, fituation, and country fhould be fortified, and hence first attacked ;-that it is best to encamp acrofs your enemy's flank, and act on his line of operations. To fhorten the columns on almost all marches ;and that 100,000 light cavalry, like the Tartars, would lay all Europe wafte, in fpite of our fine armies chained to their magazines and fortreffes.

The line between the army and the place from whence it draws its fupplies, he ftiles the line of operation; on the choice and importance of which he is fedulous and learned.

He thinks, that 50 or 60,000 men cannot fubfift 100 miles within an enemy's country; and even 25,000 muft either go to meet their convoy, difperfe, or perish, if their enemy can poffibly keep the field: fo that the thorteft line of operation, and beft protected must cet. par. at last prevail.

On an offenfive or invading war, he has likewife general leffons which merit attention; though probably each cafe has fomething fo peculiar to itself, as to render it of little ufe to him who fhould obftinately or literally adopt it, without confidering the particular circumftances which commonly prevent the entire application of general rules.

Thofe who contribute any thing towards rendering defenfive war equal or fuperior to the offenfive, are friends to humanity. Our author takes great pains in pointing out the many advantages which the defenders of a country have over the attackers; and does not forget the old and excellent rule, to skirmish often, and avoid a battle; to act on the enemy's line of operations, cutting off his convoys, &c.-On the offenfive, he would only have a few light troops for obfervation; but on the defenfive, half the army might act as light troops.

The divifion of the earth into kingdoms, &c. has been very variable. The divifions of nature, and of compact, have been often difregarded by the ambition, cruelty, and injuftice of man; and thefe vices belong ftill more to collections of men, or nations. From Fletcher of Saltoun, down to the prefent time, many have thought that Europe might be better divided for the good of mankind; but we know of none who have speculated on better principles than he. Our Author too, we fee, has many ideas on that fubject; and his arrangement and examination of the prefent frontiers of the different European nations, opens a large field for military and political investigation.

Such

Such are fome of our able General's leffons and reflections, for the length or number of which we furely need not apologize, as they cannot be too much known and reflected on. Many of them are obviously written from actual obfervation and experience, which gives them a vaft advantage over the ideas of writers who are only learned; and though he may fometimes give us what might have been gueffed or known before, we do not therefore confider fuch as repetitions or plagiarisms, but take every thing from fuch men, with a degree of respect and attention, not to be granted to the merely speculative or fine writer.

Since the above was written, we are happy to fee fo frong and unexpected a gleam of hope arife for the falvation of this country;-that the people are yet capable of adopting a remedy, and, we further hope, of obftinately and steadily going on, through all its confequences.

ART. IX. Twelve Difcourfes Introductory to the Study of Divinity, in which the Principles of the Chriftian Religion are attempted to be laid down with Plainnefs and Precision. By Edward Tatham, A. M. 8vo. 5 s. Boards. Richardfon, and Urquhart. 1780.

THE

HE Author in the Introduction to his laft Discourse, gives a recapitulation of the leading fubjects of this volume. We fhall prefent our Readers with it, both as a specimen of the matter and manner of thefe Sermons.

Before we clofe this immortal argument, let us draw together the heads of this compendious fyftem, and exhibit them in a fingle point of view, in order to display the END of our religion in the most striking light, as well as the MEANS which are to conduct us to it.

*Happiness in a future life is the end of religion. The human foul is the fubject which is to enjoy it. God is the object from whom it must proceed.-We traced the will of God by the lights of confcience, reafon, and revelation; and by the fame lights difcovered man's native inability to perform it.+ God created him originally able both to know and to do his duty, and engaged to make him happy on the performance of it; this is the covenant of works. His depravation was derived from the voluntary difobedience of his primitive parents, whence fin and death enfued with lofs of happinefs. The love of God interpofed and projected the plan of man's redemption, by which his immortal attributes are reconciled, and our title to happiness founded anew. He gave his eternal Son to take

* Difc. I. Rom. vi. 23. † II. Rom. v. 12. † III. Rom. v. 18, 19.

upon