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fidelity to Augustus and Herod tendered to the Jewish nation, at the latter end of Herod's reign. But there were above six thousand pharisees, who refused at that time to take it. Josephus says, that at the persuasion of Joazer the high priest the nation generally acquiesced. Doubtless, the Romans carried their point, but yet a very deep grudge remained in the minds of the Jewish people. And the service wbich Joazer had done the Romans upon this occasion, rendered him so unpopular, that it cost bim the priesthood. These are the very words of Josephus : Cyrenius having • made a seizure of Archelaus's effects, and finished the • census in the thirty-seventh year after the victory at Ac. tium, constituted Ananus the son of Seth high priest, . having taken away that dignity and honour from the high

priest Joazer; who was overpowered by the seditions and . tumults of the multitude,'p or, in other words, who had been mobbed by the people.

Lastly, Josephus calls Judas of Galilee the head of a fourth sect. But, though he uses these words here, he oftentimes makes but three sects of the Jews. And I think that the sect of the pharisees must generally have held the same notion, which he ascribes to Judas. The six thousand, who refused to take the oath above mentioned, were pharisees. Josephus owns, that Judas's followers differed from the pharisees in nothing else, but this one principle of an excessive fondness for liberty. He expressly calls Sadduc, who joined with Judas, a pharisee. And I would fain know what sect Judas had been of before. If he had been of the sect of the sadducees or essenes, Josephus would bave said so. The case seems to me to have been thus : Judas and they that held his principles were generally of the sect of the pharisees, but they were not pharisees ; because this title was more peculiarly appropriated to those, who had some distinction for their learning, riches, posts, employments; or to those who had a great deal of leisure, and little else to do, but to make an uncommon show of devotion and sanctity. Thus, I suppose, the pharisees in general had this principle, but the common people only avowed it. Josephus bad a difficult task : he was concerned to save the honour of the supreme parts of the Roman government, and of the chief men of the Jewish nation, and particularly of those properly called pharisees, of whom he was one; and to throw the blame of the war, and • Ant. lib. xvii. p. 753. 41.

Ρ Ιωαζαρον τον αρχιερεα κατασ. τασιασθεντα υπο της πληθυος αφελομενος το αξιωμα της τιμης, Ανανον τον E&O' isa apxupea. Ant. 1. xviii. cap. 2. in.

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all their sufferings, upon the cruelty and avarice of Albinus and Gessius Florus, the two last Roman procurators, and the common people among the Jews and their leaders. This part he has acted very finely. But I think, that if the pharisees had controlled this principle sincerely, they might have suppressed it. For a proof of this, I refer the reader to the chapter of the Jewish sects, where the power of the pharisees appears very evident. I shall here add only one passage more from Josephus. • And on the account of these, (principles,] they (the pharisees) are in great authority with the people ; and all parts of divine worship, whether prayers or sacrifices, are performed according to • their interpretations. This testimony have the cities given • to their virtue, because of their following in all things that • which is best, both in their words and actions,'q

XI. But though the Roman tribute was a heavy grievance, and they who collected it were much hated, yet it is evident that many Jews were employed in this work. The publicans mentioned in the gospels must bave been of the Jewish nation. " Then came also the publicans to be baptized, and said unto him, [John,] Master, what shall we do ?” Luke iji. 12. See Matt. xxi. 31, 32. It appears likewise, that some of the publicans in Judea were honest persons, and men of substance. Such an one was Levi, or Matthew. “ And Levi made him a great feast in his own house: and there was a great company of publicans and of others that sat down with them,” Luke v. 29. See Matt. ix. 10, Mark ii. 14. Nor is there any hint of any unjust practices, which Levi had been guilty of in the post he had enjoyed. And from the great openness and impartiality with which the evangelists have written their history, it is reasonable to conclude, there was no exception against Matthew's character, beside his employment; which, undoubtedly, was not reputable. Zaccheus, when he entertained Jesus, was certainly a thorough convert to virtue; and I think, be could not have been a very wicked man before. “ And Zaccheus stood and said, Behold, Lord, the half of my goods I give to the poor; and if I have taken any thing from any man by false accusation, I restore him four-fold,” Luke xix. 8.' According to his computation, he supposed himself capable of making ample restitution to all he had injured, out of the remaining half of his goods, and it is likely

9 Και δι' αυτα τοις τε δημους πιθανοτατοι τυγχανεσι, και οποσα θεια ευχων τε και ιερων ποιησεως εξηγησει τη εκεινων τυγχανασι πρασσομενα εις τοσονοε αρετης αυτοις αι πολεις εμαρτυρησαν επιτηδευσει το επι πασιν κρείσσονος, εν τε Ty dialty To Bla kai doyois. Antiq. lib. xviii. c. 1. sect. 3.

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supposed he should have somewhat left for himself. His unjust gains, therefore, were but a small portion of his estate.

That there were Jews who were publicans, and that some of these were honest and wealthy men, will appear from a story in Josephus : There lay near the Jewish synagogue • at Cæsarea a piece of ground in the possession of a Greek • of the same place. The Jews had often attempted to ' make a purchase of it, and bad offered a great deal more • than the intrinsic value. But the owner refused all their

offers : and, as if he intended to affront them, began to . build work houses on the ground, leaving the Jews but a

very strait and narrow passage. The warmer part of the * people attempted to obstruct the builders. But Florus • not restraining these practices by his authority, the chief • men of the Jews, among whom was John the publican, not • knowing well what course to take, wait upon Florus, and

give him eight talents of silver to stop the building. That • he might get the money into his hands, he promised all

they desired; but having received it, went away from • Cæsarea to Sebaste, leaving the riotous people to them

selves, as if the Jews had only purchased a licence to quarrel.' And so it bappened, the Jews and Greeks at Cæsarea bad a battle, in which the former were worsted. Upon this John with twelve of the chief of the Jews go to Sebaste, and coming to Florus, ' make complaints to him concerning these proceedings, and entreat his assistance, modestly putting him in mind likewise of the eight • talents.'

This John must have been one of the most considerable of the Jews at Cæsarea, since he only is mentioned by name. Nor is there any thing here said of him, but what is very

honourable; unless any think fit to except against the giving a bribe to a bad man, to do what is in itself just and reasonable.

There is, in the gospels, so frequent mention of publicans who were Jews, that I have been sometime inclined to think that the Roman tribute was collected for the most part by Jews. The Romans might choose this method. The Jews employed in this work became odious thereby, but the Roman government was relieved.

Josephus bas made mention of several Jews who were Roman knights. It is certain, that the Roman knights were the great farmers and collectors of the Roman tribute. It 'De Bell. lib. ii. cap. 14. sect. 4, 5.

s De Bell. lib. i. cap. 14. sect. 9.

* Certe huic homini spes nulla salutis esset, si publi.

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seems to me, therefore, very probable, that those Jews had merited the honour of knighthood by their good services in some part of the revenue.

I do not pretend to be master of the Roman method of collecting taxes, but it appears to me not unlikely, that in most provinces the natives were employed in the towns as the under collectors, and that the receivers general or other superior officers only were Romans. It is plain, that in the province of Sicily, in the time of the republic, when a new assessment was made there, (as it was every fifth year,) Sicilians were appointed to be the under censors." The publicans were far from being beloved in any province;' the Romans might therefore judge it prudent to employ some natives in collecting taxes : and it is probable, that in all places some would be found, who were willing to make an advantage of the subjection of their country, and accept places under the Romans their masters.

CHAP. X.

ROMAN CUSTOMS MENTIONED IN THE NEW TESTAMENT.

1. The Romans used the question. II. Examined by scourg

ing. III. Unlawful to scourge a Roman. IV. Especially uncondemned. V. Lysias's power at Jerusalem. VI. Of St. Paul's citizenship. VII. This privilege bought with a great sum. VIII. Accusations not to be heard in the absence of the accused person. IX. Of St. Paul's imprisonment. X. Prisoners sent to Rome from the provinces. XI. Delivered there to the captain of the guard.

IN the history of St. Paul, there are many Roman customs expressly mentioned or alluded to. I shall bere endeavour to take some notice of all those we meet with, from the time of his being apprehended at Jerusalem to his confinement at Rome; excepting only those, which have been already cani, hoc est, si equites Romani, judicarent. Cic. in Verr. lib. iii. cap. 62. n. 168.

u Cic. in Verr. lib. ii. cap. 53. n. 131. et seq. Sic porro nostros homines diligunt, ut his solis neque publicanus neque negotiator odio sit. Ibid.

сар.

3. n. 7.

observed in the chapter of the State of the Jews in Judea.

When Lysias, the chief captain, had rescued Paul out of the hands of the Jewish multitude," he commanded him to be brought into the castle, and bade that he should be examined by scourging, that he might know wherefore they cried so against him. And as they bound him with thongs, Paul said unto the centurion that stood by, Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman, and uncondemned ?Acts xxii. 24, 25.

Three or four things are here implied : that it was customary for the Romans to use the question or torture, for the discovery of crimes; that this was soinetimes done by beating or whipping ; that it was unlawful to scourge a Roman, especially uncondemned.

1. It was customary for the Romans to make use of the question for the discovery of crimes. There are many instances of it about this time, in the history of the Romana emperors. Nor had the Jews any particular reason to complain of the Romans' putting this in practice in their country, provided it was not done when there were no grounds of suspicion, since Herod the Great had openly practised it thereb before.

II. This was sometimes done by whipping or beating. There were several ways of examining persons, some were used to citizens or freemen, others were reckonedo servile. But that scourging was practised in this case, is evident from an example I give of it from Tacitus in the reign of a Nero. Epicaris, a woman, among other tortures was so examined. And it is observable that she was not then a slave. There are other instances in Grotius. It is likely that a stick was made use of in examining a citizen, rods for others.

b

d

* Nihil enim exprimi quæstione potuit, Suet. in Vit. August. 19. Diversi interrogantur.Tum exorta suspicio, quia non congruentia responderant: inditaque vincla. Et tormentorum aspectum ac minas non tulere. Tacit. Ann. 15, 56, et passim.

Antiq. lib. xvi. cap. 10. sect. 2-5. · Et. Q. Gallium prætorem--servilem in modum torsit : ac fatentem nihil, jussit occidi. Sueton. Aug. c. 27.

Atque interim Nero recordatus Volusii Proculi indicio Epicharim attineri, ratusque muliebre corpus impar dolori, tormentis dilacerari jubet. At illam non verbera, non ignes, non ira eo acrius torquentiuin ne a feminà spernerentur, pervicêre quin objecta denegaret-clariore exemplo libertina mulier-cum ingenui et viri et equites Romani senatoresque, intacti tormentis, carissima suorum quisque pignorum proderent. Ann. xv. c. 57. e Ad. Matt. c. xxvii, 19.

I Nullam existimationis infamiam avunculus tuus pertimescat ictibus fustium subjectus ob crimen quæstione habitâ. L. Nullam. c. ap. Grot. ibid.

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