mate prudence in the settlement of the most critical affairs. We can not afford quotations on this topic generally indeed some parts of it do not so well admit of illustration, by passages which must of necessity be brief: we rather refer our readers, after a careful perusal of this interesting volume, to their own recollections; and confidently ask them, whether in the question about the Protestant preachers during the diet of Augsburg (p. 15), in the distinction admitted between the voluntary presence of the elector at a superstitious procession, and his official attendance on the emperor at mass, as marshall of the empire (p. 12), or on the delicate point relating to the jurisdiction of the popish bishops (p. 56), or the yet more difficult question respecting the lawfulness of resistance to the emperor if he should use unjust force (pp. 96, 104), any want of due moderation appeared in the decisions of the reformers? So again, as to the limits of the pastoral authority (p. 155), as to the inexpediency of joining their cause with that of Henry of England (p. 186), as to addressing persons in elevated stations in the church with their accustomed titles of honour (p. 232), as to concessions on less vital mat

ters (p. 281), as to the appointment to the bishoprick of Naumberg (p. 308), the doctrine of absolution, (p. 324), the plan of Reformation which they were required to draw up (p. 429), and even the elevation of the elements in the eucharist

(p. 512), we can scarcely imagine to ourselves a course of conduct more wise and prudent.

The same remark may be extended to their decisions as to doctrine, with the exception of the sacramentarian controversy, to which we shall hereafter refer. Here we are inclined to give an illustration of two or three topics. The first, contained in two passages, will relate to the moderation of Luther, on the doctrine of the law of God as a rule of life; which, if he had not CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 301.

taken large views of Scripture, he might have been betrayed, as others have been, to under-rate, considering the ardour with which he reiterated the doctrine of justification by faith only. The second will exhibit his reserve on the mysterious question of the Divine predestination, which, in modern times, has sometimes been treated with much dogmatism, and even levity. The third will shew similar moderation exhibited by Ecolampadius, in his reply to the inquiries of the Waldenses, on the various difficulties submitted to his decision.

"In the conflicts of conscience nothing than Christ alone, and the law should be else ought to be known or thought of, placed out of sight: but, apart from these conflicts and the topic of justification, we ought, with Paul, to speak reverently of the law, to extol it with the highest praises, and to call it holy, just, good, spiritual, divine.”

"Even the moral law loses its power so far as this, that it cannot condemn

those who believe in Christ, and are thus the Decalogue remains in force, and belongs to Christians, that they may obey it. For the righteousness which the law requires is fulfilled by believers, through the grace and assistance of the Holy Spirit which they receive. Hence all the exhortations of the prophets, and likewise of Christ and his apostles, to piety and holiness, are so many excellent expositions of the Ten Commandments." p. 240.

delivered from the curse of the law. Yet

are, yield in force as well as simThese passages, strong as they plicity to the following, which is about one of the most humble and edifying testimonies of love to the law of God, and submission to his word, which we ever read. And it than thirty years after Luther had was written, be it remembered, more devoted himself to the study of theology.

"I am a professed divine, who, amidst various dangers, have attained some moderate experience and skill in the sacred Scriptures: but this does not prevent my having daily recourse to the Catechism, to the Creed, the Decalogue, and the Lord's, Prayer. I rehearse them to myself with a close consideration of every word,what truth it really conveys. And when a multiplicity of business, or any other cause, prevents my doing this, I sensibly feel the want of it. The word of God is given us thus to exercise and quicken G

our minds, which without such a practice contract rust as it were, and lose their tone. We see into what snares men continually fall and what else is the reason of it, but that they are secure, they do not pray, they do not hear and meditate on the Divine word; they are content with having it in the book, where they may read it when they please. Hence satan imperceptibly instils into their hearts a contempt for the word; and this leaves them exposed to despair, or other great dangers. For with what shall a man defend himself against the enemies of his soul, when he has lost the sword of the Spirit?" p. 325

On predestination and final perseverance, Luther thus writes:

،، In this and similar sentences, the mercy of God is offered generally to all:.. here we ought to rest; and believe, since God sends us his word, that we are among the predestinated; and then, on the ground of this promise, to call upon him, and be assured (in so doing) of the salvation which he thus expressly promises. With respect to perseverance, Luther, Bugenhagius, and Melancthon jointly assign their reasons, in the year 1536, for disapproving, and dissuading the publication of a book written by a Thuringian divine, because he had treated dangerously on predestination, and affirmed that the Holy Spirit was not lost by the elect, even if they fell into manifest crimes. They assert that they had always unanimously taught the contrary in all the churches; namely, that if any saint and believer knowingly and wilfully offended, he was no longer a saint, but had cast away true faith and the Holy Spirit; though God would receive him again if he repented. They add, (what will meet the concurrence of all sober-minded persons,) that we are not commanded to inquire whether we are elect, but to believe that he who perseveres to the end in repentance and

faith is elect and saved."

p. 241.

The following was the advice of Ecolampadius to the churches of the Vaudois when they sent deputies to propose to him a variety of questions.

"Concerning the mode of instructing the people, it is not for us to prescribe. Only let those things be taught which conduce to faith and love, and let them be adorned by humility and endurance of the cross. Let things unrevealed (apo crypha, secret things) be avoided, with contentious and curious questions, which gender pride, and strife, and hatred. Let

the one object be, to set forth the glory of Christ, to produce a holy life, and to banish vice, hypocrisy, and spiritual pride, the source of heresies, and of perdition to

numbers."

"All that doctrine which magnifies the grace of Christ we willingly embrace.

Free will, as far as it derogates from grace, we do not approve. Yet we do not by this introduce a necessity of sinning: for they who sin do it voluntary, and of their own accord. Original sin has its own proper province (suam rationem). Our virtue is not the greater because of many commands being delivered to us: but great is the power of the Spirit, by which we perform the will of God; great also our backwardness, on account of which we are adjudged unworthy. There is such a thing as fate, or necessity, (fati ratio) with God, which is immutable, though all things appear to you uncertain. But you are not called to attend to the secret things of God, but to his word, which we ought to believe, and by which we shall (then) be saved.-We cannot deny predestination: and that it cannot fail is most certain: but what then? is God unjust? is he untrue? Let us hum abases the proud, while his mercy enble ourselves before his Majesty, which courages the contrite in heart, who seek flesh and their own will; that in all things help from him alone, and not from the the praise may be God's. - What have we

and Luther?--Our perdition is from ourto do with the contentions of Erasmus selves; our salvation only from the Lord our God." pp. 147-149.

It is of great importance, in forming a right judgment on the spirit of the Reformation, to recollect these and similar instances of prudence in conduct and moderation in opinion and doctrine. The Refor mation was not effected by heat, extravagance, over-statement, enthusiasm, mere novelty, or the exaggeration of minute points, or a spirit of party. If the ardour and intrepidity of the great divines of that period had spent themselves chiefly on these things, or had been materially tarnished by them, the incipient reform would have perished in its birth, as the folly at Munster did. It was the unparalleled boldness and courage of the reformers, sustained by the plain, undoubted truth of the doctrines they taught, relieved, in the manner of propagation, by gentleness of carriage and the meekness of wisdom and forbearance, which convinced men of the purity of their intentions, and disarmed the force of the misrepresentations and calumnies of their opponents. Holy moderation, united with fortitude and patience in suffering, elevated the

cause above the most bitter opposition, and gradually identified it, in the mind of every conscientious and enlightened judge, with the interests of truth and piety. Even on the question of toleration many of the reformers, especially Luther, were not uninformed.

of

This topic leads us to another. The wisdom of the reformed leaders was much aided by the influence of the personal piety of the princes of Europe, and especially of the electors of Saxony. One cannot lay down this volume without admiration at the mercy of God, toward many the princes who had the greatest sway in Germany and other parts of Christendom. The piety and wisdom of John of Saxony was most remarkable, and seems to have gradually strengthened as he advanced in life and in the study of the Scriptures. He threw protection around, not merely the person of Luther at the diet of Augsburg, but all the Protestant divines and the Gospel itself, as it were, by his calm, cautious, discreet, and yet immoveably firm conduct in that critical juncture. The whole force of the irritated and crafty opposition of the papal powers was directed against him. Threats and promises were by turns employed. His very life was endangered. But he stood unshaken, and never swerved for a moment from what he conscientiously judged to be his duty. We cannot here refrain from giving the following illustrations of his character.

"He took such delight in the Holy Scriptures, that he would frequently have them read to him, by youths of noble families, as much as six hours in the day; an exercise which, with such an example before their eyes, must have tended as much to the benefit of his youthful readers as to his own. He was accustomed also to take down the sermons which he heard with the greatest accuracy......His deadness to the world also was very admirable. When he was informed of the rebellion of

the rustics, which led to so afflictive a war in Germany, he said, If it be the will of God that I should continue a prince, as I have hitherto been, his will be done; but, if otherwise, I can descend to a lower station: fewer horses and a hum

bler equipage will serve me very well,' "'p. 127.

We wonder not that Luther, in his nervous manner, should say of such a prince, " With him probity expired, as with his brother Frederick

wisdom had done."

It is observable that, in more than

one instance, the princes saw further, the reformed divines themselves. and acted with more vigour, than The reader will easily agree with us in this, on recollecting their conduct as to the preaching at Augsburg (p. 15), and as to the pacification of Nuremberg (p. 112).

character, and deference to his exTheir judgment also of Luther's perience, are fine traits of their humility and piety.

"The elector and the landgrave both scrupulously abstained from checking him in what he thought proper to write and publish: so high an opinion did they enhis writings. Even when king Ferdinand, tertain of his wisdom, and of the effect of having read his book against the Pope,' published this year, observed, that, 'if the language were but softened, it was not in other respects to be found fault with ;' the elector replied, Dr. Martin is a man of a singular spirit, which suffers not itself to be restrained in these matters. No doubt he has weighty reasons for this strong language. He is stirred up in an extraordinary manner against the Papacy, to overthrow it, not to amend it for that is impossible. Mild language therefore would be out of place. When the offensiveness of a picture prefixed to the book was further reLuther's spirit was extraordinary, and he presented, the elector still replied, that had further views in the particular means he employed, than all could penetrate; on father, John, nor his uncle Frederick would which account neither his (the elector's) at all prescribe to him; nor would he himself presume to do it.' pp. 521, 522.

An expression of Pontanus, the elector's chancellor, is too appropriate to be passed over.

Then,' he says, there will be need for Luther to seize the great axe, and lay about him manfully. For that sort of work he has, by the gift and grace of God, a spirit superior to that of other men.'". p. 433.

Neither ought the noble spirit of John Frederick, in 1540, to be unnoticed.

"No one,' said he, would more gladly see peace established in Germany than I should do; but I would not for the sake of it yield any thing contrary to the

will of God and the dictates of my own conscience; and he, I trust, will keep me free from all such sin. Peace established on those terms would be a judgment from God, and would prove the occasion of irreconcileable discord.' He reprobated the counsels of those who put religion and outward peace on the same footing; whereas, when the two came in competition, the latter ought always to give way to the former.' He looked with great jealousy upon a sort of middle party which he thought had risen up among the Frotestants, and in which he reckoned the elector of Brandenburg; and he feared much more, he said, the caresses of Ratisbon than the severity of Augsburg. He would have his representatives, therefore, adhere to the very terms, as well as to the sense of the confession, and reject all ambiguous language which might be twisted to opposite meanings.' He declares that, even if Luther himself should give way, which he trusted would never be the case, it should not be with his concurrence. p. 290.

But not merely the electors of Saxony, but many other princes also throughout Germany, as well as in Denmark and Sweden, were raised up with extraordinary piety and courage, at this critical moment. We should gladly extract the history of the venerable Herman count de Wied, archbishop of Cologne and elector of the empire; but it is too long for citation, and would not well bear abridgment. But the eminent Christian excellencies of the prince of Anhalt must not be entirely concealed, though at the risk of weakening the effect by extracts. He was born in 1507. The guardians of his youth were devoted supporters of the papal superstition. The account of him proceeds in this

manner :

"With good conscience,' he declares, 'he could say with St. Paul, that from his early youth he had felt an ardent zeal for the law of his fathers; for the ceremonies, the customs, and the doctrines in which he had been brought up. Against those principles, therefore, which were opposed to them, and tended, as he conceived, to subvert every good institution, and to introduce all sorts of evil, he had cherished the most uncompromising hostility; as many who were yet living could attest. He had thrown every obstacle in his power in the way both of the success and the advancement of those whom he considered as in this point of view suspected persons; and in accomplishing this he felt an un

feigned pleasure, as doing God service. But all the time he was acting only upon hearsay and ex-parte evidence; for he avoided, with a degree of horror, the reading of books which he understood to be surcharged with poison. He began, however, to reflect, that, as a member of the church and of the ecclesiastical order, it behoved him to employ himself in a more efficient manner in opposing the dangerous efforts of those who were enemies to both. He determined, therefore, to lay aside for a time more amusing and more lucrative studies, and as far as his indispensable engagements would permit, (for from his youth up he had never been idle,) to apply himself to the study of the Scriptures and of ancient ecclesiastical writers, whom, he was confidently persuaded, he should find interpreting the Scriptures in a widely different manner from the modern innovators. Accordingly he had recourse to the doctors and the canons of the church, with no other view than that of triumphantly exposing the errors of the new teachers, for the conviction of some whom he

esteemed, but who had been misled, and obedience and attachment to the Catholic church. But, he exclaims O God, what shall I say? When I examined on all sides and in all parts the writings of the approved doctors, and the ancient canons, I could no where find that interpretation, and these traditions which I sought, and of which I had boasted; nor, when I applied to persons who had the authority of could they point out any thing of the kind the fathers constantly in their mouths, to me! On the contrary I discovered, not only that numberless practical abuses, repugnant to the Scriptures and the determinations of the fathers, were defended among us, but that we had departed widely indeed from the pure Christian doctrine. I saw that many articles taught by the fathers, and sanctioned by councils, were now restored and brought to light again, after a long oblivion, by those very teachers whom we were denouncing as heretics; and that the reasonings, by which our doctors now opposed them, were precisely those of the ancient heretics upon similar questions, which the fathers of the church had refuted and rejected. However this was to be accounted for, I saw that it might be demonstrated from these writings, and especially from those of Augustine against the Pelagians, that, in the principal points now in controversy, the sentiments of our writers differed little from the dogmas of the heretics; as, for instance, on the article of justification, on the cause of salvation, on free will, human merits, the grace of God and the remission of sins, faith, good works, and other topics connected with them." pp. 390–392.

for the confirmation of others in their

Of such a man, thus taught, the conduct would soon become, in the

highest sense, Christian. Accordingly he was for many years a most firm upholder of the Gospel; and he died in 1553, at the age of 46, in the peace of Christ.

These are only specimens of the sort of character among the princes of Europe, which the grace of God formed at this era. The importance of this blessing was not only great as respects their salvation as individuals, and the triumph of the grace of God in their conversion, but also in respect of the powerful sway which, in those ruder times, the personal dispositions of the prince had upon the government of his states and the general opinions and conduct of his subjects. At a period when the force of public sentiment, and the restraint of inter-national law, and the usages of a free people, were either unknown or feeble; there were no visible means for maintaining the Reformation but the real conviction and illumination of the personages who swayed the sceptres of nations. Let any one compare the mischiefs done by George Duke of Saxony, with the benefits accruing from the Electors Frederick, John, and John Frederick, in their government of their states; and he must instantly admit the truth of this remark.

We should be acting a disingenuous part if we did not advert, in the next place, to a painful and afflicting topic, suggested by the portion of history now before us, the errors of the reformers, and of the Reformation. For there were, after all, considerable errors in the character and in some of the proceedings of the reformers. Luther was undoubtedly irrascible, hasty, severe in his animadversions, far too strong in his language, and at times obstinate in his own opinions. He was, indeed, never vindictive or malicious, never crafty or insincere; but he was choleric, vehement, impetuous. He was also, in his hours of relaxation, too apt to yield to mirth and jocoseness and a cheerfulness of humour bordering on levity, and not

entirely consistent with the gravity of the character which he sustained. And these failings seem to have produced, towards the close of life, a depression of spirits and an irritability which, for a season, cast a cloud over his fine powers. These oc→ casional failings were trivial, indeed, compared with the weighty and substantial exceliencies of his character; and they were acknowledged, resisted, lamented, watched against, overcome. But they were faults which are by no means to be palliated. The errors of Melancthon, Bucer, and the other reformers, were of a different class, and need not be noticed in detail. The connexion of these several defects, especially those of Luther, with the errors committed in the conduct of the Reformation, is obvious. One of the most frequent was the asperity, the exaggeration, and the grossness of terms employed in controversy, which cannot be concealed, and ought not to be vindicated. The mistakes which arose, principally from human infirmity in general, need scarcely be mentioned;-such as the expecting too much from diets and a general council; the not protesting openly in the case of the bigamy of the landgrave of Hesse against that unlawful act; the concession made by Melancthon, and not disavowed by Luther at the conference of Ratisbon, in 1541; and a spirit of intolerance in the case of the Jews. (p. 511.) These and similar faults, however, sink into insignificancy before the capital error in the Reformation-the sacramentarian controversy. Here Luther and his colleagues were obstinate in the extreme, and led the German churches after them. They believed most fully, and continued to believe to their dying day, that from the words of our Lord, Hoc est corpus meum, was necessarily to be deduced the monstrous doctrine of consubstantiation; the presence in the eucharist of the actual body and blood of Christ corporally in conjunction with the elements of bread and wine,