serving Port Mahon and indeed the whole island." Sunderland and the other Ministers adhered to Stanhope's counsel, and sent him the authority he asked to negotiate with Charles's Ministers for the eventual cession of the island. He had certainly a strong plea to urge in behalf of such a grant from the large subsidies which the Court of St. James's had paid and was still paying to the Court of Barcelona. Nevertheless Stanhope was met, as he says, by "an unspeakable reluctancy." It was only after some months of diplomacy that he succeeded in sending home Mr. Craggs with powers from King Charles to the Austrian Count Gallas to sign a treaty for engaging on certain conditions the island to the Queen. Such were the first steps to its absolute cession at the Peace of Utrecht, and to our sovereign possession of it during the greater part of the eighteenth century. Mahon was not forgotten when, ten years after its conquest, Stanhope was promoted to an Earldom; and we may reckon it as among the curious vicissitudes of human affairs, that the name first given by a Carthaginian chief, Mago, the brother of Hannibal, should now be borne by the eldest son of an English Peer.

Having remained some days in Minorca to settle the government of the island Stanhope designed to proceed to Denia and secure that fortress from attack. But his way was barred by some French men-of-war which cruised along the coast; and Denia shortly afterwards yielded to the Chevalier d'Asfeld, Captain Carleton being among the prisoners of that little garrison. Asfeld next turned his arms against Alicant, and reduced the town with little difficulty; but the Castle, which was held by two English regiments, was long and valiantly defended.

Soon after Stanhope's return to Catalonia from his Minorquin enterprise he was greeted by a singular negotiation. The Duke of Orleans employed two agents, named Flotte and Renault, to make some secret overtures to the English General, with whom during his youth he had been on familiar terms. The object was to inquire whether, as weary of the war, the French might not relinquish their King Philip and the Allios their King Charles, and whether then by way of compromise the Duke of Orleans might not be accepted by both parties as monarch of Spain. Stanhope at once declared that England would not break faith with her ally, nor desert King Charles, but he proceeded with the assent of the Cabinet at home to hold out some hopes to the Duke that, if there were another rising in the Cevennes with the Duke's connivance, the Allies would be inclined to form for him an independent sovereignty made up of Languedoc and Navarre.

It is by no means clear even yet, after so many secret documents of the period have come to light, how far the first of these overtures was made with the private sanction of Louis. As to the second, if ever the Duke did lend an ear to it, we may fairly conclude that he intended only by prolonging the negotiation to bring back the Allies to the first. But Princess Orsini, who at this time entirely directed Philip and Philip's kingdom through his Queen, obtained some clue to the intrigue and took her measures accordingly. In the winter, after the Duke had returned to France, she caused both his agents to be seized. Their papers when examined gave at least sufficient grounds for injurious imputations on their master, and vehement complaints from the Court of Madrid to the Court of Versailles

Louis after some hesitation did his best to vindicate his nephew, but felt that it was impossible to send him back to Spain."

(Hist. des

'An impartial summary of this | found in Sismondi. involved transaction, as deduced Français, vol. xxvii. p. 67. from different sources, will be

CHAPTER XI.

THE Parliament which had been prorogued on the 1st of April was dissolved on the 15th. In the English elections which ensued the influence of the late attempt on Scotland was strongly felt, and that influence was almost everywhere to the advantage of the Court. For even among those who inclined more or less decidedly to the exiled Prince, by far the greater number at this time looked to the succession of the Queen and not to her dethronement. To plunge the kingdom in civil war for this latter object, and by the aid of a foreign enemy, was generally viewed as a criminal and unjustifiable enterprise, and its abettors real or supposed found no favour at the hustings.

But Godolphin as Prime Minister had at this time other and deep causes of alarm. The dismissal of Harley with St. John and Mansell in his train had by no means sufficed to the ambition of the Whigs. They regarded it as only another step in the ladder which they sought to climb. No sooner was it accomplished than they came forward with a new demand—that the Presidency of the Council should be bestowed on Somers. Godolphin himself was willing, but the Queen was much distressed. Besides that she entertained at that time-however unjustly yet sincerelyan ill-opinion of Lord Somers from his conduct during

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the late reign, she knew that his appointment would give great pain to her Consort, who regarded Somers as the real author of the recent attacks upon the Admiralty measures. At first then the Queen evaded the request, declaring that she did not wish to see Lord Pembroke removed. But this plea did not long avail her. Two Whigs already in office, the Dukes of Newcastle and Devonshire, came one day to her without previous notice, and again pressed the appointment of Lord Somers. The Queen again alleged the hardship to Lord Pembroke. Then, at least, said the Dukes, let your Majesty call Lord Somers for the present to the Cabinet Council without any post at all. Taken by surprise, the Queen replied after some delay, that she thought the Cabinet Council was full enough already. The Dukes took their leave in great discontent, and proceeded to terrify Godolphin, who on his part urged new representations on the Royal Lady.

Thus pressed from divers quarters Anne thought that her prejudices or as she would say her principles -might claim some regard from the earliest and most constant object of her favour-the Duke of Marlborough. She wrote to His Grace, then just returned from Hanover, to Holland, and gave him an account of what had passed, "looking upon it," she adds, "to be utter destruction to me to bring Lord Somers into my service. And I hope you will not join in soliciting me to do this thing, though Lord Treasurer tells me you will, for it is what I can never consent to. You are very happy to be out of the disagreeable and vexatious things that I am more or less continually made uneasy with, which makes me not wonder at your not coming back as you promised. I pray God bless and direct

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