touched at the impending loss of Marlborough, and studied with some soft expressions to dissuade him. It would seem however that the Duke's intention to resign applied only to his offices at home, and did not extend to his foreign command. This is not expressly stated at the time, but may be probably deduced from his correspondence with the Duchess during the last campaign. Thus he wrote: "For my own part I am out of heart, and wonder at the courage of Lord Treasurer, for were I used, as I do not doubt but I shall, as he is, by the Whigs who threaten to abandon him whenever the Queen displeases, I would not continue in business for all the world could give me; and I believe they would be the first that would have reason to repent. When I say this I know I must go on in the command I have here as long as the war lasts, but I would have nothing to do anywhere else."2

Harley on his part protested that he had no other view than to continue the administration with the very basis upon which it had been founded, a combination of moderate Tories and moderate Whigs, so that neither party should have the entire ascendant and control. The Queen had the same desire, and it was hoped that the remaining members of the Cabinet, or most of them, acting on this principle, would acquiesce in the secession of their two most powerful colleagues.

The Duchess of Marlborough also came forward at this juncture. Suddenly one morning she appeared before the Queen. "Since" she cried with tears and sobs "Lord Marlborough is now about to be forced from your Majesty's service, I cannot in honour remain any longer at Court;" and she then proceeded to im

2 Coxe's Marlborough, vol. iii. p. 376.

plore a Royal promise that whenever she did retire, the numerous offices which she held might be divided between her two elder daughters. Anne endeavoured to elude compliance, repeating several times with apparent kindness, "you and I must never part." But the Duchess was not to be diverted from her purpose. She continued to press her suit with so much importunity that the Queen at last gave way and made the promise required; and the Duchess then took her leave, kissing the Queen's hand.-This story might well have been regarded as a calumny of one of the Duchess's enemies were it not recorded by a narrative in her own handwriting.3

Such was the situation of parties on Saturday the 7th of February, when there was moved in the House of Lords the Third Reading of the Bill to render the Union with Scotland more complete. An amendment was brought forward that the Privy Council of Scotland should determine on the 1st of October next instead of the 1st of May; the opponents of the measure feeling that if they could but gain time they might probably defeat it altogether. But in its support was raised the eloquent and authoritative voice of Somers. There are still on record the ample minutes of the speech, fraught with unanswerable arguments which he addressed to the House in this debate.1

Godolphin and Marlborough appear on this occasion to have regarded themselves as virtually out of office and no longer bound to support the measures of their

See a summary of this manu- the promise was spontaneous. script in Coxe's Marlborough, vol. 4 They are published in the iv. p. 43. From the short corre- Hardwicke State Papers, vol. ii. p. sponding passage in the "Conduct" 473. (p. 254) it might be supposed that

own administration. They found the opponents to this Bill far more numerous and far more vehement than they had foreseen; and they may have desired by siding with them to gain the future adherence of the Scottish people. Under these circumstances they gave their votes for the amendment, which on the division was rejected only by the narrow majority of five, the numbers being 45 and 50. But further still on the consequent passing of the Bill, a Protest against the whole measure was immediately entered on the Journals, and among the signatures we may observe with some surprise the names of three of its authors, Godolphin, Marlborough, and Cowper.

The political crisis however was determined by a Cabinet Council which had been summoned to meet on the following day, namely Sunday, the 8th of February. It was usual in that age, I may observe in passing, for the Cabinets to meet upon the Day of Rest, and usual also for the Sovereign to preside at them. That same morning Godolphin and Marlborough waited on the Queen, to state that Harley still continuing in office they could not attend the Cabinet nor take any fnrther part as Her Majesty's Ministers. Anne allowed them to depart and went to the Cabinet as usual. There Harley produced his papers as Secretary of State, and began to open the business of his department. But around him he saw grim faces and heard half muttered complaints. As he paused the Duke of Somerset rose and said, "I do not see how we can deliberate to any purpose when neither the General nor the Treasurer are present." This observation he repeated twice, and with some vehemence, while the other Ministers expressed their agreement by their looks. The Queen

remained silent but presently withdrew, leaving the business of the day undone.

It was plain from the proceeedings at this Cabinet that Harley had desired to continue in office with the aid of certain of his colleagues. It was possible that he might still be intent on forming a wholly new administration. A whisper of these circumstances was not slow in spreading among the principal Whigs, and had considerable influence on the proceedings of the House of Lords next day. Then, that is on Monday the 9th, we learn from the lists in the Journals that both Marlborough and Godolphin were present. Then it appears that the House resolved to appoint by ballot a Committee of Seven Lords to examine William Gregg, lately convicted of High Treason and under sentence of execution in Newgate. It was well understood on all sides that this Committee was designed as a menace against Harley, and with the hope of involving him in a criminal charge. Such an object was still more apparent when, as the result of the pallot for the Committee, there came forth seven names of zealous Whigs, namely Devonshire, Somerset, Bolton, Wharton, Townshend, Somers, and Halifax. The extreme unfairness of seeking to try any statesman by a body consisting solely of his political opponents seems to have been overlooked amidst the political passions of that time.

Harley however had no intention of prolonging the contest for power. He considered the result of the last Cabinet as decisive against him, and he pressed the Queen next day to accept his resignation. With much hesitation and still more reluctance, Anne at last complied, and his resignation took place accordingly

on the 11th of the same month. With him retired Henry St. John, Secretary at War, Sir Simon Harcourt, Attorney-General, and Sir Thomas Mansell, Comptroller of the Household. Thus was the Tory Opposition reinforced by two powerful chiefs, the plausible Harley and the "all-accomplished St. John," during the very month in which Death deprived them of Sir Edward Seymour, so long in their front ranks, though of late confined by his infirmities to his country-house and even to his chair.

On the other hand the two great Ministers, "the Treasurer and General" as they were often called, were restored to the Queen's presence and Councils though certainly not to her favor. The Seals of Secretary of State were given to Henry Boyle, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a zealous Whig, but greatly esteemed by all parties. He was succeeded at the Exchequer by the Speaker, John Smith, although his formal appointment was deferred until after he should leave the Chair at the end of the Session. The successor of St. John at the War Office was Robert Walpole, the most rising man in the Whig as was St. John in the Tory ranks. Earl Cholmondeley became Comptroller of the Household; but the office of Attorney-General remained vacant during several months, since the Queen could by no means reconcile herself to Sir James Montagu, a brother of Halifax, whom Godolphin pressed upon her.

The seven Whig Lords assembled in the Peers' Committee were more assiduous than successful in their task. They went to Newgate to examine Gregg; they had also before them the two smugglers, and other witnesses. But with all their pains nothing was elicited in any quarter to impeach the loyalty of Harley. At the same time however it was clearly proved against