he dares not trust in writing, because they break open his letters in England; and the new ones say they have already found several material things in letters betwixt him and my Lord Treasurer. I will write to you very plainly from the army, but I am afraid I shall not be able from England." 3

Political writings in this reign acquired for the first time perhaps an immediate influence on political events. Nor is the reason hard to trace. There were as yet no regular reports however meagre of the principal debates. There had already arisen in the country a desire to learn the motives and the main-springs of affairs. Thus when St. John had spoken in the House of ommons, or Cowper in the House of Peers, it was known that the best orator among the Tories, or the best orator among the Whigs, had set forth, with every grace of eloquence and every power of argument, the tenets of his party. But no one could be stirred by that eloquence, or won over by those arguments, beyond the members of either House, and the handful of strangers in the gallery. It became necessary therefore for a party chief, desiring to have influence with the public, either himself to take up the pen, as was sometimes the case with St. John and others, or else to seek writers of ability who could do in pamphlets what he had done in speeches.

In the last administration of Queen Anne this war of pamphlets was waged with especial acrimony and no less ability. On the Tory side the most conspicuous writer was Swift; on the Whig side Addison. Swift directed for some months a weekly paper, "the Examiner," in which his adversaries were most fiercely assailed. Addison contributed some essays to the Opposition print "the Whig Examiner," which was doomed.

Letter dated Sept. 12, 1710 (MS.)

to a speedy extinction, but which was succeeded by another of the same class, "the Medley." Of Swift and Addison-those early friends, those ever eminent adversaries-it may however be said that they were equal rather than alike. For graceful style, for polished satire, for delicate delineation of character, Addison has never been surpassed; but on the stage of active politics he was scarce a match for the passionate ardour, the withering irony, of Swift.

It was not merely in periodical publications that these and others were at this period contending. There also came forth from time to time separate pamphlets of great popular effect. Thus in the autumn of 1711 Walpole published "The Debts of the Nation stated and considered" and "The Thirty-five Millions accounted for"-these giving in a small compass an answer to the charges against the late administration." Thus again in the spring of 1712 there was sent out by Swift The Conduct of the Allies;" his object being to show that our confederates had grossly failed in their engagements both as to money and to troops, and that, as Dr. Johnson puts it, "we had been bribing our neighbours to fight their own battles." 5

Two other men who wielded their pens with powerful effect were Steele on the Whig and Prior on the Tory side. At the heels of each came a numerous tribe of writers, all full of party zeal, but most of them, such for instance as Oldmixon, little distinguished by ability, and not at all by truth.

Far, very far, above these last in genius and power of writing stood Defoe, though not raised beyond their

1 Coxe's Memoirs of Sir Robert

Walpole, vol. i. p. 35.

5 Life of Swift (Johnson's Works, vol. xi. p. 14, ed. 1810).

Of this a strong in

level in point of party rancour. stance occurred during the prosecution of Sacheverell. That prosecution, however we may deem it ill-considered and unwise, was at least clear and straightforward. It was aimed at a public discourse--it was pressed upon national grounds. But it was not the fault of Defoe that it did not degenerate into a prying and inquisitorial process of the lowest kind. For thus did he address General Stanhope in a letter which is preserved at Chevening: "Sir, as it is my misfortune not to have the honor to be known to you, so at this time it may be some loss to the public interest in the affair of Sacheverell which you are managing-pardon me the word—with so much applause. . . Nothing, Sir, has withheld me from blackening and exposing this insolent priest but a nicety of honor, that I thought it dishonorable to strike him when he was down, or to fall on him when he had other enemies to engage. But since, Sir, his defence is made up of false suggestions as to his being for the Revolution; and his character is part of his applause among the rabble; and particularly since you find it necessary to represent him right to those who are his judges, I chose rather to be impertinent than that you should not be let a little way into his character, to the truth of which I will at any time appear and produce sufficient testimony; at the same time running the venture of the indignation both of the Doctor and his rabble, with which I am severely and openly threatened. First, Sir, as to his morals. I do not say there are members in your House who have been drunk with him a hundred times and can say enough of that to you, because I know it would be said to press gentlemen to betray conversation; but if you please to converse with Mr. Duckett, a member of your

.

House, or with Colonel Oughton, of the Guards, they will (especially the first) furnish you abundantly on that head; or, at least, they can. Then, Sir, as to his favouring the Revolution, that he has drunk King James's health upon his knees-that he has spoken so scandalously of the Government that some strangers have asked him if he had taken the oaths to the Queen, and being answered by him that he had, have expostulated with him how it was possible either that talking in that manner he could take the oaths, or that taking the oaths he could talk in that manner. And lastly (as to the Revolution also) I shall name you two persons, viz. Samuel Eborall of Birmingham and the Minister of Birmingham-I think his name is Smith, but can come to a certain knowledge of the name. These can make proof even to conviction, that in their hearing he said. with an oath in the late King William's reign, he (Sacheverell) believed that he (the King) would come to be De Witted, and that he hoped to live to see it. . . If I had the honour to know you, Sir, I might give you fuller accounts, and if you should think it for your service I shall do it whenever you please." 6 It is only just to General Stanhope to observe, that he took no heed of these ignominious counsels, and invited no further communication from Defoe.

It is worthy of note that at this period all, or nearly all, the writers connected with the monied interest took part with the Whigs. Nor is this surprising when we find that interest so much undervalued and distrusted on the other side. What, for instance, would be deemed in the present day of such a doctrine as the following? "I ever abominated that scheme of

• Letter dated March 8, 1710 (MS.).

politics, now about thirty years old "-this was written in 1721-" of setting up a monied interest in opposition to the landed. For I conceived there could not be a truer maxim in our government than this, that the possessors of the soil are the best judges of what is for the advantage of the kingdom."-Yet this was no hasty opinion expressed in party heat. It was written deliberately and in retirement from politics. Nor was it the judgment of any obscure or inferior writer; for these are the words of Swift.7

In nearly all the cases of party pamphlets in this reign the author's name was not given, and great pains were taken to withhold all official proof of it. And that with very good reason. The prevailing party, whichever it might be at the time, was equally prone, either through the Queen in Council or through one or other Houses of Parliament, to take the most rigorous measures against any publication which displeased them, and if the author were not declared or not discovered they would fine and imprison the printer.

A striking instance may be given how in that age even a rhyming parody or jesting pasquinade was deemed sufficient to call forth the strong arm of the law. Swift, upon a hint from Lord Oxford, had composed an imitation in verse of Lord Nottingham's famous speech against the peace. It was produced at a meeting of the newly-formed Society or Club of the choice spirits among the Tory party. Swift has noted in his diary how at the close of dinner "the printer came before we parted and brought the ballad, which made them laugh very heartily a dozen times." 8

Letter to Pope, January 10, 1721.

On

" Journal to Stella, December 6, 1711.