also felt the importance of the utmost caution in all his further steps. We find him write as follows to the Duchess: "For God's sake let me beg of you to keep your temper, for you are in a country amongst tigers and wolves." And again two days later: " "Keep your temper "-no needless caution-" and if Parliament continues we will make some of their hearts ache. I am heart and soul yours."

At home the fall of Sunderland roused to a high pitch the ardour of the opposite parties. The Tories, full of exultation, showered praises on their Sovereign for having with so much firmness asserted her authority. "Your Majesty is now Queen indeed "—so said to her the Duke of Beaufort. In the same spirit there came in loyal addresses, in which the determination was declared to support against all gainsayers the cause of Church and Queen. On the other hand the monied men, who were for the most part of the Whig connection, gave signs of alarm. The Funds fell and public credit seemed to be affected. A deputation from the Bank, headed by the Governor Sir Gilbert Heathcote, himself a zealous Whig, waited on Her Majesty to represent the injurious effects which the dismissal of the Secretary had produced, and to deprecate any further changes. Anne replied as follows: "I have for some time resolved to remove the Earl of Sunderland for particular reasons of State. I have no present intention to make any farther changes, but should I alter any of my Ministers it shall be no prejudice either to the Bank or to the common cause."

Some similar remonstrances came to the Queen from M. Vryberg the Dutch Envoy and Count Gallas the Imperial Minister, and some similar assurances were given in return. It appears from the private corre

spondence that these remonstrances were in secret prompted by Godolphin. Marlborough, with a truer instinct, foresaw that the further interference of Foreign Powers would serve only to irritate the Queen. He therefore took pains to dissuade it. Still less could he, or his friends in politics, expect any advantage from the headlong anger of his consort. At this very juncture the Duchess had revived an acrimonious correspondence with the Queen, committing in the course of it an unpardonable breach of trust by inclosing a confidential letter which the Duke of Somerset had formerly addressed to herself, and in which the Queen was treated with little ceremony. This correspondence, after much passion on Her Grace's part, came to a close only because the Queen, who for some time past had returned but very short answers, returned at last no answers at all.

In his military movements no less than in his diplomatic correspondence, Marlborough saw the necessity of great caution at this time. A single false step and even a trifling failure might lay him open to the machinations of his enemies. At another period he would probably have run some hazard for the object of securing Calais; for although there had been a premature disclosure of the plot within the town, there was on foot another project for a landing at the mouth of the Somme and a conquest, as was hoped, of the entire district comprising not only Calais but Boulogne. Now however Marlborough deemed it most expedient if not to relinquish at least to postpone the scheme. He had hoped as did Eugene that, after taking Douay, they might besiege Arras. But Villars with great skill drew together his whole army on some new-constructed lines, and the Allied chiefs considered it im

practicable either to attack him in that strong position or to invest Arras while he continued to hold it. Obliged therefore to content themselves with a lesser object, they sat down before the small town of Bethune, which so bravely prolonged its resistance that it was the 28th of August before its capitulation ensued.

On the frontier of Italy the continued differences between the Emperor and the Duke of Savoy withheld the latter from attempting anything considerable; and there is little to record beyond a series of marches and counter-marches on the part of Count Daun and of Marshal Berwick. There had been planned however a descent upon the coast of Languedoc to connect itself if possible with a rising in the Cevennes. A body of troops, about two thousand strong, were accordingly sent by sea from Barcelona and landed at Cette on the 25th of July. Though in great part English they had for their chief a French Protestant, born in that very province; but they received no encouragement, not even in words, from the hill-country, while intelligence came that the Duke of Noailles was marching against them from Roussillon with all the forces he could muster. Within four days they were content to re-embark, leaving behind them some fifty men who were taken prisoners. The French, it is said, lost but one grenadier, who was killed by chance with his own musket.8

It was only in Spain that the war was vigorously waged. There both parties had a strong motive to press it. The fact that all French troops had been withdrawn from Philip's service and summoned home

s Complete History of Europe, 1710, p. 541. Sismondi, Hist. des Français, vol. xxvii. p. 104.

was intelligence most encouraging of course to the Ministers of Charles in Catalonia. Now or never must be the time to renew the conquests of 1706 and to plant his standards once more at Zaragoza and Madrid. On the other hand the very same fact-the withdrawal of the French auxiliaries-tended to arouse in Philip's favor the national spirit of Castille. The Spaniards of his party were eager to show if possible that even without the aid of the "Gavachos," as the French in Spain have been always for some unknown reason termed, they could not only hold their own but overpower their antagonists. Even the two Princes, arrayed against each other, and who though opposite in interests were much alike in character-each inclining to uxorious ease and a dreamy indolent seclusion-caught in some degree the enthusiasm of the hour and were disposed to take the field.

General Stanhope, as we have seen, had returned to England for the Session of Parliament. In the middle of March he set out again for his scene of command. First he visited the camp of the Duke of Marlborough, to whom he brought the secret plan for the surprise of Calais. Next he repaired to Genoa, where he intended to await some considerable reinforcements that he had succeeded in obtaining. But being apprised that the enemy had already taken the field, he embarked at once with a thousand recruits and moreover a good sum of money—still more welcome to the needy Court of Barcelona. On the 26th of May he reached the camp which Marshal Staremberg had pitched on the left bank of the Segre, and a few days later they were joined by Charles himself, who as titular monarch assumed the chief command. On the day after his arrival there was a general review. According to one

eye-witness," everybody says our army makes a very fine appearance, but I believe nobody can tell by the King's countenance when he is pleased.""

Maintaining the opposite bank of the river now stood the Bourbon army; with its King Philip to confront King Charles. This army had been augmented by levies throughout the kingdom, by volunteers from France, and by detachments from the frontier of Portugal. Earnest entreaties had been addressed to Louis that he would allow the Duke of Vendome to lead it, but Louis, as we have seen, could give no such permission while the negotiations at Gertruydenberg were still proceeding. Failing Vendome, the command was entrusted to the Marquis of Villadarias, the ablest of the Spanish Generals of the time, while Don Antonio Amezaga, an officer of some note in the former Valencian campaigns, had the special charge of the cavalry.

At the outset the superiority seemed to be with Villadarias. He had already received all the fresh troops that he expected, while the reinforcements due to the Allies were still upon their way. Thus mustering about 20,000 foot and 6,000 horse he much outnumbered the present army of Staremberg and Stanhope, and he crossed the Segre to give them battle, but found them strongly intrenched near the bridge of Balaguer. On the 13th of June the advantage was with them in both a cannonade and a skirmish. In the latter Stanhope, who headed the cavalry, fell upon the rear of the Spaniards which had been incautiously exposed, and a spirited action ensued, the horse of the

• Journal of Mr. Lenoir, comprised in the Stanhope Papers, and printed in the War of the Succession in Spain, Appendix, p. cxxi.