in the Appendix to Vol. II. (page 550). The following extract is taken from the commencement of the history of the Ghaznivides (Chap. II. MS. E. I. L. Chap. IV. MS. As. Soc. of Bengal).]

EXTRACT.

It has been before mentioned in the history of Ughúz, son of Díb Yáwaghúí,1 that his sons and descendants were all kings in succession down to the time of the mission of the chief of the apostles and seal of the prophets - Muhammad, the chosen, (may God bless him and his descendants !)

Tughril ruled in the city of Marv for twenty years, and after his death Túkák sat in his place; he reigned seven years, and was contemporary with the companions of the prophet. When he died, Dúkúz Yáwaghúí was raised to the throne and reigned twelve entire years. After his death, Sámán (or the noble born) was exalted to the sovereignty in the country of Máwaráu-n nahr, and he it is whom the Tázíks (Turks) call Sámán Jadá, since he was the ancestor of all the Sámánians. After him the sovereignty was given to Ughum Yáwaghúí. He was succeeded by Kúkam Yawaghúí, who was a mere boy near the age of puberty. The nobles managed the administration of the kingdom and the appointment of its governors.

All at once an enemy, by name Faráshib, brought an army from all parts of the country against him, and oppressed both Turks and Arabs.3 After some hard fighting the army of

1 Ughúz was the son of Kará Khán, son of Díb Yáwaghúí, son of Uljáí, son of Yafit. Díb Yawaghúis in the history of Ughúz is called Dib Bawakú Khán, and it is stated that Díb signifies a throne and magnificence, and Báwakú a chief of the grandees. It is almost impossible to fix the orthography of the names of the earlier Mongols, as they are spelt differently in the various portions of each MS. where they occur. The reading Yawaghúí is favoured by the majority of the readings, but the name occurs with ten or a dozen different spellings. [This uncertainty of spelling has already been remarked upon (Vol. II. p. 266). The forms of one wellknown name are so numerous and various, from "Altamsh" to "Ilitmish," that they are scarcely to be identified, except by the initiated.]

2 [Sometimes written Karáshib.]

و ترک و تازي سخت کرد s [The meaning of this is not obvious

Kúkam Yáwaghúí was overcome and put to flight. The enemy plundered his house and took his infant brother a prisoner and endeavoured to capture Uljáí.

The forces of Kúkam Yáwaghúí again collected and recovered strength. With a feeling of honour and pride they all, men, women, and children, pursued Faráshíb. They slew and scattered his followers, and, returning victorious and triumphant, occupied themselves in managing the affairs of their government. After a few years the infant brother of Kúkam, whom they called Sarang, and who was kept in abject captivity, when he attained the age of manhood, sent to his brother Kúkam and asked him to despatch an army for his succour. Kúkam Yáwaghúí sent a thousand brave men of war and warriors against Faráshíb. When the two armies confronted each other, Sarang went over and joined his brother's army. A great conflict ensued. At last the battle ceased, and both parties retired to their respective camps. Sarang related. his whole story before his brother, and said the enemy had given him the office of Sarhang1 and porter. Kúkam Yáwaghúí said: "Let this treatment here recoil upon him.2" Kúkam ruled twenty years, when he died suddenly. Sarang kept his brother in a coffin in his house for a whole year, and pretended that he was lying sick. He himself managed and carried on the affairs of government. After the lapse of a year the nobles assembled and told Sarang that he should show his brother to them if living, and if dead he should no longer conceal the fact, but seat himself upon the throne. Sarang wept and confessed that his brother had been dead a year past, but as he had numerous enemies, he had kept his death concealed. After this he brought out the corpse of his brother and buried it. He then mounted the throne and ruled for ten years.

.

1

The word sarhang must here bear its. سرهنگی انجا و دربانی فرمودند] '

baser meaning of "serjeant, footsoldier, guardsman," and is probably connected with

the name Sarang, which indeed is written "Sarhang" in one instance.]

When he died his son1 Subuktigín was named king. He was a Turk, in whom the signs of generosity and courage were apparent, and whose actions and sayings gave proofs of his future prosperity. He was a descendant of Dib Yáwaghúí, who belonged to the house of Ughúz.?

In the reign of Mansúr bin Núh Sámání, during the chamberlainship of Abú Is'hak, Alptigín was appointed commander of the army of Khurásán, and the management of all the affairs (of that country), and the control of all the servants, officers, and troops were entrusted to his care. Afterwards he was sent to Ghazna, and the government of that place was conferred on him. When Abú Is'hak came to Ghazna, after a short time he died, and as there was no one of his family fitted for the sovereignty, all the nobles3 assembled and, with one accord and by the general voice, consented to the chiefship and sovereignty of Násiru-d dín Subuktigín.

1

چون وفات یافت پسرش سبکتکین را بپادشاهي قبول بکردند]

2 [In both MSS.-E. I. L. and B. M.-Díb is here called the grandson of Ughúz, but at the beginning of this extract he is called the father, and he was in fact the

از استخواني فاني از نسل ديب با وقوي که نواده ,grandfather of ghaz اغوز بود]

3 Ham-kunán, compeers.

24

XI.

TAZJIYATU-L AMSAR WA TAJRIYATU-L ASAR

OF

'ABDU-LLAH, WASSAF.1

[The author of this history, 'Abdu-llah, son of Fazlu-llah, of Shíráz, is commonly known by his literary name Wassáf, the Panegyrist. The title which he has given to his work, “A Ramble through the Regions and the Passing of Ages," is quite in keeping with its florid style. Different readings of the title are common, and, for simplicity's sake, the work is often called Táriíkh-i Wassáf. The date of the work, as given in the preface, is the last day of Sha'bán 699 (March 1300), and the first four volumes were published about that time, for Rashídu-d dín borrowed from them, as has been already stated. But Wassáf subsequently resumed his labours, and, adding another volume to his history, brought the work down to the year 728 (1328 A.D.)

Rashídu-d dín, the wazír of Uljáítú and author of the Jámi’u-t Tawarikh, was, as we have seen, more of a compiler than an author, but he had a just appreciation of those from whom he had borrowed, and was ready to acknowledge and requite his obligations. He extended his patronage to 'Abdu-llah, the author of the history before us, and under his auspices the author presented his work to the Sultán Uljáítú on the 24 Muharram

1 [Sir H. Elliot, having lost his Biographical Notice of Wassáf, has left only a few notes which come in at the end of this article. The editor has drawn the first part of the article in great part from D'Ohsson.]

712 (June, 1312). This introduction had been long desired by 'Abdu-llah, and when he obtained it he recited an ode on the succession of the Sultán, and another in praise of his city of Sultániya. These productions were so full of metaphors that the sovereign was many times obliged to ask for explanations, but in the end he was so gratified that he conferred on the writer a robe of honour and the title "Wassáfu-l Hazrat, Panegyrist of his Majesty." In one of his chapters the writer dilates upon this incident with much self-complacency.

This work takes up the history at the point where the Jahán Kushá closes, and was designed as a continuation of that work, of which Wassáf expresses the highest opinion, and on which he expends a laboured panegyric. The facts recorded in the work the author professes to have gathered from the oral accounts of trustworthy persons.

The history opens with the death of Mangú Khán and the accession of Kublai Khán. In the third and fourth volumes it gives some notices of India, from which the following extracts are taken. The fourth volume closes with a summary retrospect of the reigns of Changíz Khán and his immediate successors. The fifth volume, subsequently written, is principally occupied with the reign of Abú Sa'id. As a history of the Mongol dynasty the work is held in the highest estimation. There is not much in the work directly relating to India, and the extracts which follow this give all that is of importance in respect of that country.

D'Ohsson has made great use of this work in his History of the Mongols, in which he often refers to it and quotes it. Hammer-Purgstall made it the object of his especial attention, and has noticed it in several of his writings. He says "the history of Wassáf, so far as regards style, holds the same position in Persian as the Makámát of Harírí in Arabic, being an unapproachable model of rhetoric, and also, in the opinion of the Persians of historic art." He describes and dilates upon its difficulties, but is enthusiastic upon its merits as a literary com