until at length there was brought about as apparently hopeless a state of discord and ill-will as ever irritated any people or perplexed any government. Other difficulties there were besides this ecclesiastical one, which, however, as usual in such cases, played a prominent part in the general discontent and perplexity. The rulers of Canada in past days, (or many of them, at any rate,) by way of showing, as they thought, their skill in statecraft, hit upon the notable device of backing up the English Protestant element as against the French Roman Catholic. The former was dubbed the loyal element, the mainstay of the connexion with England. The latter was treated sometimes with injustice, and almost always with coldness and suspicion; the natural result being, that the French portion of the colonists became more and more irritated and difficult to manage. So matters went on from bad to worse, until discontent grew into turbulence, and turbulence into rebellion. Such were the fruits of this good old policy of the good old days.

Now, it is most instructive to remark how the disturbing element of the Clergy Reserves was dealt with; how it passed through two distinct phases, and was finally disposed of. First came the Act of the English Parliament, passed in 1840, which put an end to any further reservation of land for the benefit of the Church, and then proceeded to divide the funds arising from the existing reserves amongst the different religious denominations. The Churches of England and Scotland got the lion's share; the remainder was divided between Protestant Dissenters and Roman

Catholics. Something like an approach to religious equality was thus gained. In consequence, a far better state of feeling pervaded the colonies, but, as usual, these half measures proved insufficient. The great mass of the colonists craved after perfect religious liberty and equality; they wanted to abolish the connexion between the government and the churches, so that both might be free. Then it was that in 1853 the English government, that of the late Lord Aberdeen, introduced and carried through the imperial parliament a bill handing over the Clergy Reserves, and all questions connected with them, to the Canadian legislature, to be settled by it in accordance with the wishes of the Canadian people. It is not a little interesting to refer back to the debates which then took place. The late Duke of Newcastle, at that time Colonial Secretary, in introducing the bill into the House of Lords, said: "In different shapes and ways this subject has been in agitation for the last thirty years. As long as we leave the religious question to excite the people of Canada, we are in danger of disturbing and disorganising the whole foundations of government in one of the tenderest points on which it can be affected." The arguments of the opponents of the bill were such as might be expected. They opposed it in the name of Church and State, Church rights, Church property; if passed, the differences between the various denominations would become more marked and bitter, the sentiment of loyalty be undermined, the connexion with England weakened, and the funds arising from

the Reserves be secularised. In a word, it was a dreadful bill, and would produce dreadful consequences. The bill, however, became law.

In the following year (1854) the Canadian legislature passed "an Act to make better provision for the appropriation of moneys arising from the lands heretofore known as the Clergy Reserves, by rendering them available for municipal purposes." The principle upon which this measure was based appears clearly from the words occurring in the third section of the Act: "Whereas it is desirable to remove all semblance of connexion between Church and State," &c. Existing life interests only were cared for, and the funds handed over to the municipalities, to be disposed of as they thought fit. It appears that they applied the funds thus obtained chiefly to educational purposes. Every vestige of a privileged Church was swept away. The endowment by the State of all Churches was got rid of, as well as the endowment of one privileged Church. The axe was laid to the root of the tree. All "semblance" even of connexion between Church and State was blotted out. Thus the true Christian principle of perfect religious liberty and equality now reigns unquestioned throughout our North American colonies. The Churches are free Churches in a free State.

And now comes the crucial question: What has been the result of this new order of things? Simply this, that while ill-will and discontent culminating in rebellion existed under the old system, there is now to be seen, under the new, contentment, peace, and

loyalty. The voices of angry sects are hushed, for there is now no dominant church creating jealousy and heartburnings. In Canada has been restored the practice of primitive times, when Christians gave freely to the faith they loved, and when Christian ministers had no secular arm to aid them in the unchristian work of wringing support from those who were not of them. Thus have freedom and order, peace and loyalty, taken the place of strife, discontent, and rebellion. Nor is there to be found any exception to this happy change among those of any race or any creed. Nowhere throughout England's empire is to be seen greater attachment to the mother country, or more contentment with her easy yoke, than in that Canadian dominion. peopled by English Churchmen and Dissenters, by Presbyterians of the Scotch Church and of the Free Kirk, mingled with a large population of French Roman Catholics, whose congregations are constantly increased by numerous arrivals of their coreligionists from Ireland.

Such, then, is the actual condition of our North American colonies, under a system of absolute religious freedom and equality. How widely different from that of the sister island, where (alone throughout England's empire) is to be seen the dominant Church of the small minority lording it over all Churches. There it still stands, a monument of past conquest and present injustice, which naturally creates discontent; yet when that discontent shows itself, the members of the Irish State Church say with unblush

ing effrontery,-See! we alone are loyal subjects, we alone are true to England!

There has lately been furnished a remarkable test of Canadian loyalty to England which must not be passed over. The Fenians in the United States have endeavoured in vain to draw away the Canadians of any race or creed from their allegiance to the mother country. Thus foiled, these lawless marauders actually attacked Canada by armed violence, thus wickedly exposing to the dangers of war a people who have done them no wrong, who suffer under no grievance, and who ask only to be left in peace to manage their own affairs and prepare their own future as seems good to them. This Fenian wickedness against Canada happily brings its own punishment with it, for it but makes Fenianism hateful to the Canadians, while drawing more closely the ties which unite them to England. It has but brought out in stronger relief than ever the loyalty and contentment of all the various peoples and creeds of the Canadian dominion, and of none more than of her Roman Catholic population, whether French or Irish.

This matter of Fenianism brings to mind the assertion that that brotherhood of ill does not object to the Church Establishment in Ireland, nor wish it done away. It would probably be more correct to say that the Fenians desire its continuance. The reason is obvious enough. They know well that the Establishment creates discontent among the Roman Catholics of Ireland. Now, the more discontent there is, the more suitable is the state of the country

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