CENSURE OF AUSTRIA. 75 not pour out their indignation and imprecations, I have yet to learn the character of American freemen. L-CENSURE OF AUSTRIA. LEWIS CASS. I AM perfectly aware that whatever we may do or say, the immediate march of Austria will be onward in the course of despotism, with a step feebler or firmer, as resistance may appear near or remote, until she is stayed by one of those upheavings of the people, which is as sure to come as that man longs for freedom, and longs to strike the blow which shall make it his. Pride is blind, and power tenacious, and Austrian pride and power, though they may quail before the signs of the times, before barricades and fraternization, by which streets are ma le fortresses, and armies revolutionized -new, but mighty engines in popular warfare-will hold out in their citadel till the last extremity. But many old things are passing away, and Austrian despotism will pass away in its turn-its bulwarks will be shaken by the rushing of mighty winds, and by the voice of the world—whenever a benignant expression is not restrained by the kindred sympathies of arbrary power. I desire not to be misunderstood. I do not mean that in all the revolutionary struggles which political contests bring on, it would be expedient for other governments to express their feelings of interest and sympathy. I think they should not, for there are obvious considerat ous which forbid this action, and the value of this kind of moral interposition would be diminished by its too frequent occurrence. It should be reserved for great events, marked by great crimes and oppression on the one side, and great misfortunes and exertions on the other, and circumstances which carry with them the sympathies of the world, like the partition of Poland and the subjugation of Hungary. We can offer public congratulations, as we have done, to people crowned by success in their struggles for freedom. offer our recognition of their independence to others, as we have done, while yet the effort was pending. Have we sympathy only for the fortunate, or is a cause less dear of sacred because it is prostrated in the dust at the feet o We can power? I freely confess that I shall hail the day with pleas ure, when the government reflecting the true sentiments of the people, shall express its sympathy for struggling millions, seeking that liberty which was given to them by God, but has been wrested from them by man. I do not see any danger to the true independence of nations by such a course, and indeed I am by no means certain, that the free interchange of public views in this solemn manner, would not go far toward checking the progress of oppression and the tendency to war. Why, sir, the very discussion in high places, and free places, even when discussion is followed by no act, is, I believe, a great element of retributive justice, to punish it when an atrocious deed is done, and a great element of moral power to restrain it, where such a deed is contemplated. I claim for our country no exemption from the decrees of their high tribunals, and when we are guilty of a tithe of the oppression and cruelty which have made the Austrian name a name of reproach through the world, I hope we shall receive, as we shall well merit, the condemnation of mankind. LI.-IMPROVEMENT OF THE WEST. A. G. HARRISON. ALL that we ask is, to be equal with the other States of this Confederacy in freedom, sovereignty, and independence Grant us only this, and you will see this whole country, like the giant that gathered strength in his wrestle with Hercules, every time he touched the earth, spring up with an elastic bound to new vigor and power, and the proud galaxy that adorns your stars and stripes shine forth with a rich splendor which nothing but regenerated liberty can give. Euable us to make our roads and canals, to carry on our works of internal improvement, to manage our own internal police, as our genins and necessities may require, and you will soon witness the wonderful change which the uncontrolled and plastic power of self-government can alone accomplish; the waste lauds speedily, sold and settled, the desert made to smile and blossom as a garden, the country improved and cultivated to its utmost limits, industry stimulated, labor rewarded with PLEA FOR THE DESCENDANTS OF JAMES RUMSEY. 77 rich returns, the people prosperous and happy, and the country rich with every blessing. What a guarantee to the perpetuity and stability of the government, living in the hearts of its own people, and borrowing its own lustre and glory from their proud, prosperous, and independent condition. And, permit me to tell you, that deep and firm as may be the foundations of our country, still deeper will they be made by the policy which is before you. Let me beseech you to cast aside your prejudices, to throw off from your eyes the scales which have so long blinded you, and to come up to this mighty and momentous question with nothing but the holy impulses of patriotism directing your heart; and you will see inscribed upon our banners TRUTH and JUSTICE, as all for which we would appeal to you, or ask at your hands. Our strength will be yours. The glory that may surround us will radiate its effulgence to every portion of our common country, and the same destiny that awaits us and our children will be indissolubly connected with your own; and should any great event in the changes of life and the vicissitudes of the affairs of nations ever take place, to pull up the deep foundations of our government, and tear down our noble edifice, let me tell you that in the general wreck of the liberties of the country, the last spark will be found flickering on the plains of the West in the domicils of the humb.e tillers of the earth. LII.-PLEA FOR THE DESCENDANTS OF JAMES RUMSEY. EDWARD RUMSEY. I HAVE stood upon the bank of the beautiful river which washes the broad border of my own beloved State, and contemplated the majestic steam palace in her proud career, exchanging with rapidity and cheapness the productions of different climes, conveying with comfort and expedition the travelling public, giving new life and energy to commerce, to agriculture, to national industry and enterprise: I say, sir, I have stood in musing mood upon the shore of the fair Ohio, and viewed the noble steamer moving victorious against wind and current, "Walking the waters like a thing of life," and then reflected that the only son of the man who first seriously attracted the attention of the skilful and ingenious to the subject the only son of the man who first, by actual trial, proved its practicability-the only son of the man who, in his arduous struggles to perfect and present to the world the steamboat, expended his little fortune, banished himself from his home and his country, and in spite of all obstacles, was pushing onward to success, when arrested by sudden death. When I have reflected that the only son of this man was toiling for his daily bread, smitten by his God, and neglected by his country-when I have contemplated that and this spectacle, the steamboat and the unfortunate son of its inventor, feelings, emotions, reflections, have crowded upon me, of a character which, as a patriot, a philanthropist, and a Christian, I acknowledge it was improper and sinful to entertain. To the support of that stricken one I have thought his country abounding in resources, with more hundreds of millions of public domain than she can squander in ages, might contribute something more substantial than a medal, without any extraordinary stretch of liberality. But it is not for me to solicit it even for him. I shall be gratified, deeply gratified, if the government of his country shall honor the memory of his father for all his sacrifices and all his services by the adoption of this resolution. LIII.-THE SABBATH. T. FRELINGHUYSEN. MR. PRESIDENT-The Sabbath was made for man-not to be contemned and forgotten-the constitution of his nature requires just such a season. It is identified with his pursuits, and his moral tendencies. God has ordained it in infinite benevolence. The reason for its institution, as recorded in his word, was his own example. It began with creation. The first week of time was blessed with a Sabbath. garden of Eden would not have smiled in all its loveliness, had not the light of this day shone upon it. the hope of the world is extinguished. wind raged in France, how was it, sir? carry their measures of ferocity and blood, while this last The Blot it out, and When the whiri They could not palladium of virtue remained. Desolation seemed to pause in its course, its waves almost subsided: when the spirit of evil struck this hallowed day from the calendar, and enacted a decade to the Goddess of Reason-after which the besom swept all before it. Our own experience must satisfy us that it is essential to the welfare of our condition. Put the mind to any action of its powers-let its energies be exerted incessantly, with no season for abstraction and repose, and it would very soon sink under a task so hostile to its nature: it would wear out in such hard service. So let the pursuits of business constantly engage our speculations, and the whole year become one unvaried calculation of profit and loss, with no Sabbath to open an hour for the return of higher and nobler feelings, and the heart will become the victim of a cold and debasing selfishness, and have no greater susceptibility than the nether mill-stones. And if in matters that are lawful, such consequences would ensue, what will be the results of a constant, unbroken progression in vice! Sir, I tremble at the prospect for my country. If this barrier against the augmenting flood of evil be prostrated, all your penalties and prisons will oppose an utterly inefficient check. Irreligion will attain to a magnitude and hardihood that will scorn the restraints of your laws. Law, sir! of what avail can this be against the corrupted sentiment of a whole people? Let us weigh the interesting truth-that a free people can only flourish under the control of moral causes; and it is the Sabbath which gives vigor, and energy, and stability to these causes. The nation expects that the standard of sound principles will be raised here. Let us give it a commanding elevation. Let its tone be lofty. It is in this way we should expect to excite the enthusiasm of patriotism, or any other virtue. When we would awaken in our youth the spirit of literary emulation, we spread out to their vision a rugged path and a diffirult ascent, and raise the prize of fame high above the reach of any pursuit, but an ardent, laborious, and vigorous reach of effort. If we would kindle the love of country, we do not humble her claims to a miserable posture, just above dowuright indifference-but we point to a devoted Leonidas, and the brightest names of the scroll, and thus urge our youth Duward and upward. Let us, then, sir, be as wise and faithful in the cultivation of sound moral principles. |