The greatest crime that was ever committed against liberty and mankind was now consummated. Heaven itself revolted at the act, and sent the hissing missiles of death harmlessly on their course. The North was stupefied, and stood aghast at the enormity of the crime, being unable to realize that the flag of such glorious memories should have been fired upon by those whom they looked upon as brothers, and whom they supposed would have given the best blood of their hearts to save from dishonor.

But let us consider for one moment what was the aim and design of the rebel leaders. Already a confederate flag of fifteen stars, one star for each slave State, inclusive of Delaware and Maryland, had been flung to the breeze, and it was solemnly proclaimed that the Confederacy would never yield any portion of the territory claimed. This virtually, and in fact, included Washington. On the fatal 12th of April, 1861, while the tidings of the assault on Sumter were travelling over the wires, the Rebel Secretary of War, in the presence of Jefferson Davis and his colleagues, and of five thousand hearers, declared that before the end of May "the flag which now flaunted the breeze would float over the dome of the Capitol at Washington."

In pursuance of this original plan of the leaders of the rebellion, the capture of Washington has been continually had in view, not merely for the sake of its public buildings, as the capital of the Confederacy, but as the necessary preliminary to the absorption of the Border States, and for the moral effect in the eyes of Europe of possessing the metropolis of the Union. In speaking of this matter, the Hon. Edward Everett, in his address at the consecration of the National Cemetery, at Gettysburg, says: "the occupation of the National Capital, with the seizure of the public archives and of the treaties with foreign powers was an essential feature. This was in substance, within my personal knowledge, admitted, in the winter of 1860-61, by one of the most influential

leaders of the rebellion, and it was fondly thought that this object could be effected by a bold and sudden movement on the 4th of March, 1861. There is abundant proof also, that a darker project was contemplated, if not by the responsible chiefs of the rebellion, yet by nameless ruffians, willing to play a subsidiary and murderous part in the treasonable drama. It was accordingly maintained by the rebel emissaries abroad, in the circles to which they found access, that the new American minister ought not, when he arrived, to be received as the envoy of the United States, inasmuch as before that time Washington would be captured, and the Capital of the Nation, and the archives and muniments of the Government would be in the possession of the Confederates."

And what is secession but rebellion? Rebellion, like, any other revolutionary act, may be morally justified by the extremity of oppression. In monarchical governments revolution is frequently justifiable, as the cartridge-box is the only means by which the popular opinion can be expressed. But in our country the solution of all our political differences was wisely left to the decision of the ballot-box, which had heretofore served us upon every occasion, and had ever been respected.

Andrew Jackson, in his Proclamation against the Nullification Act, in December, 1832, says: "And then add, if you can, without horror and remorse, this happy Union we will dissolve; this picture of peace and prosperity we will deface; this free intercourse we will interrupt; these fertile fields we will deluge with blood; the protection of that glorious flag we renounce; the very name of Americans we discard. And for what, mistaken men, for what do you throw away these inestimable blessings? For what would you exchange your share in the advantages and honor of the Union? In the dream of separate independence-a dream interrupted by bloody conflicts with your neighbors, and a vile dependency on a foreign power." * * * "Its destroyers you cannot be. You may disturb its peace-you may interrupt the

course of its prosperity-you may cloud its reputation for stability, but its tranquillity will be restored, its prosperity will return, and the stain upon its national character will be transferred and remain an eternal blot on the memory of those who caused the disorder."

"Having the fullest confidence in the justness of the legal and constitutional opinions of my duties, which has been expressed, I rely, with equal confidence, on your undivided support in my determination to execute the laws, to preserve the Union by all constitutional means, to arrest, if possible, by moderate but firm measures, the necessity of a recourse to force; and, if it be the will of Heaven, that the recurrence of its primeval curse on man for the shedding of a brother's blood should fall upon our land, that it be not called down by any offensive act on the part of the United States."

Such was the language of that sterling patriot when treason first raised its head in South Carolina.

Was Mr. Lincoln justified in his determination to maintain the Union at all hazards, or should he have submitted peaceably to its dissolution? A peaceable dissolution was impossible, except by the surrender of the National Capital and the border States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, all of which at the late election had gone against the South by casting their electoral votes for Mr. Bell, excepting Missouri, which went for Mr. Douglas. And more than this, all of them had sent delegates to meet those from the Northern States in a peace conference, and showed unmistakably their attachment to the Union. Delaware and Maryland refused to secede, Virginia elected Union delegates to the State Convention and refused to adopt the rebel constitution. Kentucky subsequently elected nine Union members of Congress and one secession, Tennessee had elected a majority of Union delegates to a State convention and refused to hold a convention, and Missouri subsequently elected Union delegates to its State convention. Could the Government

withdraw its protection and support from the union-loving people of those States and surrender its Capital to traitors who would soon become a foreign and hostile nation? Could the Government voluntarily surrender the navigation of the Mississippi river, the great outlet of the Western States to the Gulf of Mexico? Could a great Nation submit to its political death and destruction without an effort for self-preservation? No, God forbid it, yet Americans have argued these questions in the affirmative, but only those who were deceived themselves, or were trying to deceive others. But Mr. Lincoln, the chosen of the people, the instrument of God, was inspired with the knowledge that he held not only the destiny of the country, but of liberty throughout the world in his hand, and rose equal to the emergency.

Throughout his inaugural address, he is firm, without being provoking. The limits of concession are clearly marked out, and a conciliatory spirit is maintained. The President, while manifesting the most pacific disposition, distinctly declares he will abandon none of the rights of the Government, but will leave to others the odium of aggression. He declares secession is unconstitutional, and nothing can induce him to consent to the destruction of the Union. That he will endeavor to shun a war, that he will not be the aggressor, but that he will fulfill the duty of preserving federal property and collect federal taxes in the South. "In your hands," says Mr. Lincoln, "my dissatisfied fellow-citizens, in yours and not mine, is found the terrible question of civil war. The Government will not attack you; you will have no conflict, if you are not the aggressors. You have not, on your part, an oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, whilst I, on my side, am about to take the most solemn oath to maintain, to protect and defend it."

If Mr. Lincoln had acted otherwise than he did, he would have been derelict in his duty to his God, his country and mankind, and when the intelligence of the assault upon Fort Sumter was received, the issuing of his

proclamation calling for seventy-five thousand volunteers to maintain the laws of the United States over the seceding States, and admonishing the rebels to lay down their arms and quietly submit to the laws within twenty days, was but the response of the great American heart. And America's reply to the proclamation was such an uprising of free men as the world never witnessed before. Where ever it was received, it produced the wildest excitement and enthusiasm, the booming gun, the pealing bell, and rattling drum, announced it throughout the land, until from the broad Atlantic it rolled across the plains and echoed over the snow-clad peaks to the Pacific.

CHAPTER III.

WAR FOR THE UNION-PENNSYLVANIA'S RESPONSE ORGANIZATION OF THE RESERVES-COLONELS MANN'S, MARSH'S, AND DE KORPONAY'S REGIMENTS— CAMP WASHINGTON-QUAINT NAMES-WHISKEY IN A MUSKET BARREL-GETTING THE COUN

TERSIGN.

IN Philadelphia business was suspended, flags were thrown to the breeze in every street, rendezvous were opened in every section, and placards calling for volunteers, covered the walls of every corner. Recruiting parties traversed the city in every direction, followed by crowds of men eager to enroll their names, the armories of the volunteer companies were crowded to overflowing with men drilling night and day, the public parks of the 'city were given up for the same purpose, and the quietude of the Sabbath was forgotten amidst the preparation for war. The citizens furnished armories free of rent, and such of the volunteers as could not support themselves without work were fed on the bountiful supply of the neighborhood. The lady congregations of the different churches set themselves diligently to work supplying