"Cioromandel," "distant from Colon seven days' journey by sea, more or less, according to the wind," and subject to the Râjah of Bijayanagår. From the indications given, I presume this to be Negapatam, though, if right in the conjecture, it was a place of greater commercial importance then than it is now. Departing thence, and passing a gulf where there were many rocks and shoals, (the Palk Strait,) they reached Ceylon, and from Varthema's description of the locality as being situated near a large river, surrounded by cinnamon-plantations, and in the neighbourhood of high mountains, I infer that they landed at Colombo. Though their stay here was short, owing to some jealousy of Cogiazenor on the part of a resident Arab merchant, our author managed to collect a considerable amount of general information respecting the island. He mentions the intestine wars which prevailed between four rival kings, a fact corroborated by Sir J. E. Tennent and other historians; the various gems found there; the cultivation of cinnamon; Adam's Peak, and the tradition associated with it among Mussulmans; the dress of the people, their ignorance of fire-arms, and the weapons in use among them, with which, however," they did not kill each other overmuch, because they are cowardly fellows."

Three days' sail from Ceylon brought our party

bourhood in any of the modern maps. Colonel Yule identifies Barbosa's Cael with a Coilpatam near the Tinnevelly river; but I think that position is too far south to correspond with Varthema's "Chayl." See Friar Jordanus, p. 40.

to " Paleachet," the modern Pulicat, about twentytwo miles north of Madras, then subject to the Narsinga, or Rajah of Bijayanagâr. The neighbouring district is represented as abounding in grain, and the port as largely frequented by "Moorish" merchants. Varthema also mentions that "the country was at fierce war with the king of Tarnasseri,”—a statement which I have been utterly unable either to question or to confirm for want of any historical records, known to me, of any such international hostile relations between the rulers on the Coromandel coast and those of the Burmese peninsula.

Before accompanying our travellers from the shores of Hindustan, I venture to submit a few brief observations on the narrative under review, as far as it treats of that continent.

Notwithstanding the civil wars which prevailed at the time, the external commerce of the country, except in the single instance attributed to the proceedings of the Portuguese fleet off Calicut, appears to have been carried on without interruption, and to have been subject to no restrictions beyond the levy of a fixed customs duty at the place of entry or embarkation. Moreover, foreign merchants residing at the seaports, or periodically visiting them, seem to have enjoyed perfect immunity in person and property, to have been under the special protection of the local authorities, and were withal wholly free in the exercise of their religion. The principal seaports on the western side were Cambay and Calicut; on the Coromandel coast, Negapatam, Pulicat, and Masulipatam;

and, farther east, Banghella near the eastern mouth of the Ganges, and Satgong on the Hooghly; but between these were numerous subordinate depôts, occupied originally on account of their harbours, and as affording more direct communication with different points in the interior, which were much frequented not only by coasting craft, but by vessels engaged in the foreign trade. Many of these ports, some of which were selected for factories by the early European traders to India, have been abandoned, and even the names of a few of those mentioned by Varthema have disappeared from the modern maps. One cause of this is doubtless assignable to a considerable share of the external commerce, in which a great many native boats were engaged, having been diverted from the Red Sea and Persian Gulf to the route via the Cape of Good Hope. The larger vessels employed in that transport required deeper anchorage, and sought the most eligible harbours, whither the trade followed them; whilst the gradual absorption of the native states by the British Government tended still further to promote commercial centralization. That the trade of the country has progressively increased is certain; nevertheless, it may fairly be questioned whether it would not have increased in a higher ratio had good roads been more generally substituted for those numerous outlets on the coast which, by the combined operation of the causes aforesaid, were eventually disused and forsaken. This conjectural inference is confirmed by the fact, that notwithstanding the efforts which have been made of late

years to facilitate inland intercommunication, the desirableness of adding to the existing harbours has originated several schemes for improving several of the old ports and for creating new ones.

Another inference deducible from our narrative is the uniform prosperity which prevailed among the inhabitants. Excepting the case of the outcast Poulias of Malabar, the different classes of the population appear to have been in a thriving condition, and we read of no systematic oppression on the part of their rulers. These, and the higher ranks of the community, are represented as being very opulent; but their riches served to support large establishments of retainers, and being wholly expended in the country contributed to promote the general well-being of the people. It may fairly be doubted, indeed, whether in this respect the natives of India, on the whole, have benefited by their subjection to British rule. Larger fortunes are perhaps amassed by private individuals, but the domestic changes which a different system of government has introduced have closed many of the outlets through which the wealth of the few found its way among the many; besides which, no insignificant portion of the incomes realized in the country is now taken out of it and disposed of elsewhere. In consequence of this altered state of things, property is becoming more unequally distributed, and the native population is gradually assimilating itself to the European model. It remains for the future to decide whether the results in the East will correspond with the workings of the social organism of the West.

which seem inThere are, un

Varthema's reiterated encomium on the impartial administration of justice, wherein he corroborates the testimony of ancient Greek and Roman authors, reveals another striking feature in the Indian polity at this period. That no declension, in that respect, has resulted from the supersession of the old native tribunals by British legislation cannot be doubted; nevertheless, the two systems are frequently contrasted by the people to the decided disparagement of the latter. The chief defect complained of, however, is the comparative tardiness of our law; for under the oriental mode of procedure, punishment follows hard on the offence, and cases are disposed of without the intervention of those intricate forms and delays, and without the heavy fees, separable from a British law court. questionably, many among the better informed natives who appreciate the even and solid justice ultimately aimed at and dispensed; but the masses revert with regret to the good old days when awards were attainable in much less time, and at far less cost, than at present. This subject reminds me of a wealthy Arab pearl merchant from the Persian Gulf, whom I met at Máskat upwards of two years ago, and who occasionally formed one of a party of evening visitors whose opinions I frequently endeavoured to elicit on points connected with British policy in the East. The theme under discussion was the administration of justice in India, in the course of which the Arab merchant, who was well acquainted with Bombay, spoke as follows, as nearly as I can remember his