keepers. The Mohammedans are equally cultivators, traders, and mechanics. The Monguls rear cattle, and cultivate the soil. A considerable traffic takes place bere in oxen and horses, which are sold to the Kirghiz, who supply the troops with them, or sell them to the people of Urumsi. The rest of the horses are sent to the Government studs, which are always kept up to the full complement, although individuals are permitted to procure from them horses to replace such as they may lose. The Government purchase cattle with the white cotton cloths which they buy with silver from the Mohammedans. Russian goods are chiefly broad-cloth and leather, but they are admitted only as coming from the Sultans of the Kirghiz; part is applied to the wants of the army, and the rest sold to agents from Pekin.

'The impediments thrown in the way of the trade with Russia, deprive the Chinese of many advantages. An unrestricted commerce with that country would attract merchants from all quarters to Gulja, and an extensive interchange of commodities be readily effected, to the profit of all parties.

'Goods brought to Gulja are not subject to any fixed impost. On the great road from Western Asia, which passes by Yarkend, Khoten, Kashghar, and Aksu, a duty is levied in those cities of one in thirty on every kind of merchandise. Horses and camels are free.

The people of Gulja pay a monthly tax in silver, according to their occupations. The Mohammedan colonists cultivate the public lands, and are, therefore, not taxed in any way; each is bound to send to the imperial granaries eight sacks, each about six pounds and a half of rice, pease, barley, flour, and millet. This contribution is exacted from every individual between the ages of twenty and fifty, and the sons succeed to the labours of their fathers. Whatever grain is required for the troops is distributed from this source, and the rest is preserved in the imperial granaries. In 1809, three years' store having been spoiled through neglect, the Jang-giun was obliged to make good the loss to the Government.

The Jang-giun is the military governor of the province, and commandant of the troops; he has a council of five officers, and is assisted by the three chiefs of the Kara Katai, Mohammedans and Toup-gan. His body-guard consists of 120 Manchoos, who are the only people that regularly discharge military service. The rest of the force, consisting of the different Nomadic tribes, is only employed occasionally, and, at other times, the individuals composing it follow their avocations. This force is wholly cavalry, and consists of 28,000 men, in five divisions, one of 4000, and four of 6000 each, which perform the military duty of the frontier alternately. The men are armed with sabres, lances, and bows and arrows. In time of peace, each provides his own horse and arms; in time of war, they are supplied by the Government. No artillery is attached to

this force, and the guns in the city appear to be kept only for ceremonial salutes; they are small, of iron, and are not mounted.

"

ا;

Fifty versts from Gulja Kure is Gulja, a large town, governed by a Jang-giun, and inhabited by Mohammedans. Gulja Kure, or Ili, is situated in north latitude 42° 26', and east longitude 82° 48',

The following observations on the expense of the smaller Governments of India, are given in the shape of a letter to the Editor of The Bengal Hurkaru':

I

A report is prevalent that we are to have one, if not two, new Governments in Upper and Central India. After the failure which has already attended the establishment of petty Governments in other parts of India, it is quite surprising that the home authorities should still persevere in these idle and expensive projects. One would really have thought that making: Bencoolen and Penang presidencies, and the former a lieutenant-government, more than sufficient to bring discredit and ridicule upon such schemes. Neither is the anomalous government recently created in the Straits of Malacca likely, from all accounts, to retrieve the reputation of petty governments. The cause of all this is very obvious, and I shall proceed to explain it in a few words. A small government is only good and respectable, when the state is free, and the administration popular. We have examples of such governments, where the people control the expenditure of their own money, and make their own laws in ancient Greece, in Italy in the middle ages, and, in the present day, in the confederation of the Anglo-American States. If a government be neither free nor popular, the larger it is the better it is likely to be administered. China, for example, is better governed than a Malay principality; and the Mogul Government was far better than that of any Hindoo Rajah. Of all our Indian Presidencies, that of Bengal, although not absolutely perfection, is incomparably the most liberal and enlightened. In the spirit in which it is administered, it is at least half a century a-head of those of Madras or Bombay. For proof of this, look to the state of the public press, and of municipal law, at the three Presidencies. At Calcutta there is something like British feeling and British spirit. The genius which prevails at the other two is purely Asiatic, A considerable government acquires a certain elevation of sentiment and conduct from the very importance of the subjects brought before it, and it has too much to do to meddle in trifles; a petty government, from sheer idleness, busies itself in a thousand trifles which are not within the province of governments at all. In short, its great vice is over-government; a great government has an extensive patronage, and is generally disposed to rest satisfied with what it possesses. A petty government, on the contrary, is always ambitious, and seeks every possible means of extending its influence and grasping at authority. When it cannot do so abroad, it is sure, as

already mentioned, to meddle in the affairs of private individuals at home. It is naturally jealous of its subjects, and, in return, runs a considerable risk of incurring the "hatred and contempt" which it pretends to deprecate. Another decided advantage of a large government, and which a small one necessarily cannot possess, is this, that it has always a considerable public which silently if not openly guides or controls its acts, and to which, whether it choose to acknowledge it or not, it is always more or less responsible.

Subordinate places, without free institutions, are always better administered by the local officers of a superior government than by independent governments of their own. Such local officers are not above public opinion in the societies in which they reside. Of themselves they can do little or no harm, for every thing must be referred to a superior authority. That authority, at least, will not be disposed to interfere too much, for it will not only be too much occupied with its own immediate concerns, but will not always be a very competent judge of subjects referred to it. The dependency will thus thrive as if it were from neglect, or, at least, from being spared the mortifications and impertinencies of over-government. Penang and Singapore, while they were petty residencies, as they ought always to have continued to be, were cheaply and tolerably managed. Their expenses could not have exceeded four lacs of rupees a-year between them. They are now, from 'all accounts, six times as much, and, to say the least of it, certainly without being six times as well governed. Mal-administration and extravagance are the inevitable consequences of petty and irresponsible governments. That most exquisite of all jobs, Bencoolen, cost latterly, I am told, about -130,000l. a-year; this payment may be said to have been laid out for no other purpose than to maintain à charnel-house. If the experiment had answered as a beacon, to warn us against the danger of similar experiments, the money might still be considered as well spent, but it is clear it has not.

I will venture to predict, that if the reported governments be established in Central India, the Civil establishments will be trebled, and the administration of the countries subject to them not one whit improved. There is no community in that remote part of India that can influence the conduct of those in authority; the local chiefs will have none around them but flatterers and expectants. For every material act of the local Government, the Governor-General will still be responsible to the Indian Government at home, as well as to the Parliament. The Supreme Government will not only have to undergo the drudgery which it at present undergoes on account of the administration of the countries in question, but also the labour which will arise from the passion of the local Government for making work for itself and others. If the duties are at present too onerous for the public functionaries at the seat of the Supreme Government, the easy and obvious remedy, as far as the present

constitution of the Government will admit of a remedy, is to increase their number, and to establish a more skilful subdivision of employment.

The author of the proposal of creating new Governments in Central India, is well known to be Sir John Malcolm. The proposal is, indeed, contained in his printed work. Sir John, although a clever man in some lines, is, in his views of society and government, a mere empiric. Any one who will take the trouble of perusing his evidence before Parliament on the question of Free Trade, and compares the denunciations, the miscalculations, and the real ignorance of the mechanism of human society therein contained, with the results of that measure, the most signally beneficial which has ever been adopted in the Government of India, will be convinced of this truth.

To this letter, the Editor of 'The Bengal Hurkaru' appends the following observations :

Our correspondent J., whose letter will be found in a preceding column, has given some forcible reasons against the establishment of petty independent governments. The absurdity of furnishing territories, which might be well managed by a justice of peace and half a dozen constables, with councils and secretaries, surveyorsgeneral and collectors, and all the apparatus required for the government of an important state, scarcely requires to be pointed out; but the question naturally occurs, who could have devised such a plan? The answer is, that the object of Government is twofold,the good of the governed, and the good of the governors. In all independent states, the former is at least supposed; in all dependencies, the latter will be found to be the guiding principle. Next to personal emolument, patronage is the great object of men in power, and that can only be given by the creation of offices. These offices are valuable in the direct ratio of salary and the inverse ratio of work; to be employed in the government of a large and important country, must require much labour and some talent; but an insular member of council, whose most important deliberations are on the proper length to which firewood may be cut, or the form of a notice to kill a pig, may pass his days in measureless content, free from all fear of responsibility, till the accumulations of his salary enable him to retire with sufficient dignity from the exercise of his very important functions. The habit of attending to such minutiæ, leads to the meddling system which our correspondent notices. At some of the late meetings to petition against the corn-laws, it was proposed that the amount which the landholders derive from them should be paid by a direct tax, as a much cheaper mode of supporting the aristocracy than the monopoly which they now enjoy. In the same manner, if it is really necessary that a certain number of young gentlemen should be annually provided for, would it not be much better to pay them a handsome salary for staying at home,

where they could do no mischief, than to send them, abroad, at the risk of their own health, and to the certain injury of a part of his Majesty's subjects? A plan of this kind has been partially acted upon by the Turks: some of the Greek islands used to pay a handsome sum to be let alone; and we have little doubt that some under the British flag would be very willing to bargain for a similar exemption from the visits of their Pasha.'

The following paragraphs of general news appear in the same Paper:

"

The Right Honourable the Governor-General, we understand, intends leaving the Hills about the middle of next month, on his return to the Presidency.

1

'Preparatory to his Lordship's expected arrival on the banks the Ganges, the Sonamooky, and other large pinnaces of the Gover. nor-General's fleet, left Allahabad on the 8th instant, and got safe round the fort. At this low period of the river, this was by no means an easy adventure, or one free from danger, for the currents at the spot are extremely strong and rapid, and the channels shift almost daily.'.

'By letters from Simla of the 5th instant, we understand that the Right Honourable the Governor-General and his party continued to enjoy their residence amongst the mountains. The weather was so cool, as to render fires necessary morning and evening. It was with much regret that the approaching period of departure was contemplated by all. The mission from Runjeet Singh arrived on the 4th, escorted by a party of regular infantry and lancers, who are said to have made a respectable figure. The presents were very costly, and amongst them is an entire tent, made of the most valuable shawls; this is intended for the King of England. Captain Wade, with one of the aides-de-camp, is to be sent with a letter and presents to the court of the Maha Rajah in return.'

"The Honourable Sir Edward Ryan, Knight, yesterday took the usual oaths and his seat on the bench as Junior Puisne Justice of his Majesty's Supreme Court of Calcutta, under a salute from the ramparts of Fort William.'

In a former article, on the advantage of colonizing India by British settlers, we gave an account of several elevated stations in that country, in which the climate was quite adapted to European constitutions. The following account of another station of that description in Sylhet, is from the Government Gazette' of May 22:

"We lately had occasion to notice the purpose of establishing a convalescent station upon the high ground to the north of Sylhet. We have since been favoured with the following particulars of the intended site:

It has been proposed, we understand, to erect two bungalos :