as connected with the question of tonnage, for that restriction is then stated by Mr. Grant to have proceeded entirely from an apprehension, that if numerous small vessels were introduced into the trade of Eastern India, depredations might ensue upon the natives of the Eastern Islands. In any other respect, (says Mr. Grant,) it is of no sort of consequence to the Company;' and this impression, he thinks, is that of the Court of Directors at large.' The limitation of tonnage, he again says, was from a humane political reason.

One of these excuses must have created some amusement to our transatlantic friends; I mean as to the alleged necessity for maintaining the superiority of our maritime force in comparison with theirs. Wonderful knowledge of the character of the natives of India was here exhibited, a character in which the desire of gain is the most prominent feature, and a perfect indifference as, to whether that gain comes to them in vessels of 800 or 100 tons burthen.

During the eight years which elapsed from the first opening of the trade, under the restrictions specified, to the period when the limitation of tonnage was taken off, the British merchant sat down quietly. under the opprobrious jealousy of this incorporated body, for (and the fact is not generally known) the restriction applied only to ships clearing out from, or entering at, a British port, for or from a port to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope. Vessels trading under the Circuitous Trade Act, or between Malta and Gibraltar and the East Indies, or under the act then recently passed for permitting British vessels from India to enter at a foreign port,-in a word, all vessels not proceeding from, or bound to, the United Kingdom, were exempt from the restriction of tonnage.

This fact alone illustrates the futility of the reason assigned for its continuance by Mr. Charles Grant; for danger arising in the Eastern Islands was to be expected as much from vessels trading with the Mediterranean, or with any foreign port in Europe, as from those which might proceed direct from England.

The American thanked us for protecting him rather than our own countrymen. He carried on his trade free and unshackled: and we never heard that he created any disturbance with the natives of the Eastern Islands, and he was quite as much respected in his schooner of 120 tons, as Don Company in his "floating hotel' of 1000 tons.

-The character of the people of India is such, that we cannot be surprised that they were flattered into subjection by a power which, having artfully surrounded itself at all times with the glitter of pageantry and pomp, having conducted its affairs on a scale of magnificence, has imposed even upon the minds of Englishmen, and diverted their attention as well from the ruinous profusion by which that magnificence was supported, as from the many important advantages of which it unjustly deprived them..

Liverpool Mercury, November 22, 1827.***

ZARES.

THE third Report of the Committee on Emigration, which has just been published, contains a mass of highly important information repecting the distressed situation of our labouring population; the picture is indeed gloomy, but well calculated to arouse a strong feeling of interest on their behalf; and whatever difference of opinion may exist as to the mode in which relief should be administered, it must be a source of satisfaction to all who are interested in the welfare of this important class of the community, to reflect that the attention of the Legislature and the country will now be increasingly drawn to the consideration of their case.

The immediate cause of the existing distress is doubtless want of employment. Our population far exceeds our present means of employing them; it is obvious, therefore, that relief must be obtained in one of two ways,-either the number of the labourers must be diminished, or an increase of employment found for them.

With respect to lessening their numbers by emigration, it must, if pursued on a seale sufficiently extensive to afford any sensible relief, be attended with an expense which, in the present financial situation of this country, would reuder the measure utterly unjusti→ fiable; such a proposal ought not, therefore, to be tolerated for a single moment, unless it can be satisfactorily shown that it is not possible, by a legitimate extension of our commerce, to employ them at home. So far, however, is this from being the case, that we have most satisfactory evidence to the contrary; and it is no less astonishing than true, that while we are suffering under the pressure of an almost overwhelming debt, while our labourers are enduring the greatest privations, and pauperism, like a canker, is undermining the prosperity of the State, this nation is, nevertheless, for the sake of a few individuals, who hold a monopoly which is scarcely of any service to them, denied an intercourse with India and China; two countries which contain nearly half the population of the universe, and whose situation and circumstances are such as to warrant the most sanguine anticipations of the result of a free commercial intercourse with them, both as a source of wealth to the country, and almost unlimited employment to our poor. Our connection with India already affords most satisfactory evidence that such would be the case, the amount of our exports to India and China, when the trade was thrown open in 1814, was 1,696,400l.; in 1826, they increased to 4,877,1331. In cotton cloths the increase has been truly astonishing, the exports of this article, which in 1814 was but Oriental Herald, Vol. 16.

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little more than 800,000 yards, amounted in 1826 to upwards of 26,000,000 yards. If such has been the result of throwing open this trade, which was the worst part of the Company's monopoly; if such an increase has taken place, notwithstanding the chief articles of their produce have been subject to most oppressive discriminating duties in this market, there cannot be a reasonable doubt entertained that if these restrictions were altogether removed, and (what is of still greater moment) if the trade of China, a country containing the largest associated population in the universe, were also freely opened to British enterprise and skill-that a growing commerce with these boundless and populous territories would afford ample employment to our population. At all events, it is utterly unwarrantable to have recourse to such an expensive expedient as emigration, until a fair trial has been made of an unrestricted intercourse with these countries.

If, however, the condion of our poor be such as to warrant the expenditure of many millions for their relief, there surely can be no doubt but that it would be infinitely better for Government at once to purchase the East India Company's Charter, which could readily be done by giving the East India Stockholders a moderate advance on their dividends. We should thereby derive a certain positive national benefit of incalculable amount; whereas the benefit to be derived from the other plan is at the best uncertain and altogether problematical.

Whatever determination may, however, be come to respecting the proposal of at once purchasing the East India Company's Charter, there can surely be but one opinion as to the policy of preventing its renewal; and although no definitive arrangement will take place respecting this till the year 1833, yet there is, even now, no time to be lost. Perhaps at the present moment (and certainly it will be the case ere long) the work of intrigue and negociation may be going on by the Company. In order to counteract this, and secure the great object in view, there is no step so likely to prove effectual as the sending up a deputation from the principal commercial and manufacturing towns through the kingdom. Let this course be taken, and there can be no doubt of a successful result; but if these classes do not soon express themselves very fully and decidedly-if they slumber on their posts about this all-important national measure, they will suddenly find themselves again subject, for a term of twenty years, to all the contemptible, mischievous, and baneful absurdities of this odious Monopoly.-Bristol Journal.

INTRODUCTION OF TRIAL BY JURY, AND ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, BY SIR ALEXANDER JOHNSTON, IN CEYLON.

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WE have on more than one occasion adverted, with pride and pleasure, to the labours of the distinguished individual named above, -labours which clearly establish his claim to the title of patriot, as well as philanthropist, and will do honour to his memory as long as any records of his acts exist. We shall shortly have to notice his measures in favour of Colonization in Ceylon, in order to show its safety and practicability in Hindoostan. But we embrace the present occasion of introducing to our readers a letter of this distinguished Judge, and we must add, statesman, addressed originally to Mr. Wynn, President of the Board of Control, and which no doubt led to his deciding on making the experiment of jury-trial in India. A copy of this letter was sent to the learned Brahmin, Ram Mohun Roy, in Bengal, by whose permission it was published in the "CAL CUTTA CHRONICLE,' the Journal lately suppressed by the tyrannical Government of India. This forms an additional reason, independ ently of its intrinsic interest and merits, for our transferring it to the pages of the 'ORIENTAL HERALD,' where it will remain among the other permanent records of Indian affairs, beyond the power of all the Governments of India united, to mutilate by censorship, to garble, or to suppress. The letter of Sir Alexander Johnston to Mr. Wynn is as follows:

DEAR SIR,I have the pleasure, at your request, to give you an account of the plan I adopted while Chief Justice and first member of his Majesty's Council on Ceylon, for introducing trial by jury into that island, for extending the right of sitting upon juries to every half-caste Native, as well as to every other native of the country, to whatever caste or religious persuasion he might belong. I shall explain to you the reasons which induced me to propose this plan, the mode in which it was carried into effect, and the consequences with which its adoption has been attended. The complaints against the former system for administering justice in Ceylon, were, that it was dilatory, expensive, and unpopular. The defects of that system arose from the little value which the Natives of the country attached to a character for veracity; from the total want of interest which they manifested for a system in the administration of which they themselves had no share; from the difficulty which European Judges, who were not only Judges of law, but also Judges of fact, experienced in ascertaining the degree of credit which they ought to give to Native testimony; and finally, from the delay in the proceedings of the Court, which were productive of great inconvenience to the Government which defrayed their costs. The obvious way of remedying these evils in the system of administering justice, was, first

to give the Natives a direct interest in that system, by imparting to them a considerable share in its administration; secondly, to give them a proper value for a character for veracity, by making such a character the condition upon which they were to look for respect from their countrymen, and that from which they were to hope for promotion in the service of their Government; thirdly, to make the Natives themselves, who, from their knowledge of their countrymen, can decide at once upon the degree of credit which ought to be given to Native testimony, judges of fact, and thereby shorten the duration of trials, relieve witnesses from a protracted attendance on the Courts, and materially diminish the expense of the Govern

The introduction of trial by jury into Ceylon, and the extension of the right of sitting upon juries to every Native of the island, under certain modifications, seemed to me the most advisable method of attaining these objects. Having consulted the chief priests of the Budhoo religion, in as far as the Cingalese in the southern part of the island, and the Brahmins of Remissuram Madura and Jufna, in as far as the Hindoos of the northern part of the island were concerned; I submitted my plan for the introduction of trial by jury into Ceylon to the Governor and Council of that island. Sir T. Maitland, the then Governor of the island, and other members of the Council, thinking the adoption of my plan an object of great importance to the prosperity of the island, and fearing lest objections might be urged against it in England from the novelty of the measure, no such rights as those which I proposed to grant to the Natives of Ceylon ever having been granted to any Native of India, -sent me officially, as first member of the Council to England, with full authority to urge, in the strongest, manner, the adoption of the measure, under such modifications as his Majesty's ministers might, on my representations, deem expedient. After the question had been maturely considered in England, a Charter passed the great Seal, extending the right of sitting upon juries in criminal cases, to every Native of Ceylon, in the manner in which I bad proposed; and on my return to Ceylon with this Charter in November 1811, its provisions were immediately carried into effect by me.

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In order to enable you to form some idea of the manner in which the jury-trial is introduced amongst the Natives and half-castes of Ceylon, I shall explain to you first what qualifies a Native of Ceylon to be a juryman. 2. How the jurymen are summoned at each sessions. 3. How they are chosen at each trial. 4. How they receive the evidence, and deliver their verdict. Every Native of Ceylon, provided he be a freeman, has attained the age of twentyone, and is a permanent resident in the island, is qualified to sit on juries. The fiscal or sheriff of the Province, as soon as a criminal session is fixed for his Province, summonses a considerable number