who was unremittingly engaged in the public service. She was often compelled to fly from her abode, at a moment's warning, with a large and infant family. But she never was dejected; instead of increasing the heavy burden of a statesman's care by her complaints, she animated his fortitude by

her firmness.

The domestic enjoyments of Mr. Read were soon interrupted by the contest which, in 1765, commenced between Great Britain and the colonies. As Mr. Read held an office under the British government, and possessed great and acknowledged influence, his adherence to the English ministers would, no doubt, have ensured him a share in the preferments and pecuniary rewards, lavishly bestowed upon those who supported the schemes of oppression which they had planned: but his patriotism and integrity induced him to take a decided part with those who opposed the aggressions of parliament, as soon as the disputes between the colonies and the mother country commenced. It was not vanity, but a proper estimate of his own abilities, and the knowledge that they were duly appreciated by his fellow-citizens, which assured him that he would be called upon to act an important part in the momentous drama, as soon as his sentiments became known. He well knew that the post

of leader, whether civil or military, was at once the post of danger and the place of honor. Success was problematical, and he could not doubt that the British ministers, embittered by opposition, and flushed by victory, would single out as victims, those who had been most active and influential in opposing their designs. Clemency was little to be expected where vengeance could be exercised under the guise of policy. But neither interest, nor fear, could divert him from taking the course which he believed to be right, and, once taken, "inflexible in faith," he never swerved from it.

In October, 1765, he took his seat in the general assembly of Delaware, as one of the representatives from Newcastle county, which station he continued to occupy during the twelve ensuing years. Mr. Read was one of the committees which reported the numerous addresses made to George the third by the Delaware legislature, on behalf of their constituents: these addresses merit the encomiums so deservedly bestowed upon our revolutionary state papers.

The fears, created by the very preamble of the statute repealing the stamp tax, that the favourite scheme of raising a revenue from America, was not abandoned, were speedily and sorrowfully confirmed. The act of parliament imposing duties in the

colonies, on tea, paper, painter's colours, and glass, passed in 1767, excited anew the apprehensions of the colonists, and compelled them to adopt the same measures to render it inoperative, by which they had endeavoured to defeat the stamp act.

An agreement among the colonists not to import from the mother country, was the measure best calculated to extort from her a redress of grievances: it wounded her in the most vulnerable point; for it was injurious to all, while it was ruinous to many, of her merchants. It was impossible to convince the British cabinet that the Americans were earnest in their opposition, unless they tested their sincerity by subjecting themselves to some great privations. In the early stages of the dispute, a redress of grievances was certainly their ultimate object: if any views of independence had existed, the non-importation agreements would have been preposterous, for they undoubtedly had the unfortunate effect of augmenting the greatest evil which tried the virtues of our forefathers during the revolutionary contest,-scarcity of arms, ammunition, and clothing.

The following is an extract from a circular letter, addressed by Mr. Read to his fellow citizens in the lower part of Newcastle county: it explains the reasons which caused the inhabitants of Dela

ware to enter into a non-importation agreement at a later périod than their brother colonists:

"In the present struggle made for liberty by the colonies around us, I hope this government will not be pointed at as unconcerned in the common cause. Hitherto, the representatives of the people in assembly, have contributed their mite with other' bodies of the like kind, through the continent; it is now become more particularly the business of the people in general to consider their present situation, and what may be further done in support of measures apparently necessary; I mean the nonimportation agreements entered into, from time to time, since the late act of parliament imposing duties on tea, paper, glass, and painter's colours. From our local circumstances, it seemed unnecessary for the people of this government to enter into resolutions of non-importation from the mother country, as we had no traders among us who imported goods from Great Britain, except in very small quantities, and in vessels belonging to Philadelphia, which was sufficiently guarded by the agreement of her own citizens. Lately it has been discovered that a few of the traders of that city have become tired of what they call virtuous attempts to restore freedom to America, and endeavoured to dissolve the Philadelphia non-importa

tion agreement. One of the principal arguments made use of, is the probability of losing the trade of this government. They say that the Maryland non-importation agreement, having excepted many more articles of merchandize than that of Philadelphia, the people here will form a connexion with the Marylanders in the way of trade, introduced by going there to purchase such excepted articles, which trade may continue after all contests with the mother country are over. This is a plausible and forcible argument, and to remove all the weight it may have, the inhabitants of the upper parts of this county, particularly in and about the towns of Newcastle, Wilmington, Christiana, Newark, Newport, and Hamburg Landing, have resolved to support the Philadelphia agreement. It is now in the power of the people of this government to lend a helping hand, and be of real use to the general cause. Some of the people of New York have deserted it, but, it is thought, will be brought back to their duty. To prevent the like accident taking place at Philadelphia, we ought to destroy the argument alleged before. Let us be content to confine our trade to its former channels; there is our natural connection; let us forego some trifling conveniences in hopes of greater advantage; resolve not to purchase any goods out of the government