XV. 35. violence of the govern Means by support of 1 Brissot's violence. The power of the Committee of Public Sal- CHAP. vation was prodigious, and wielded with an energy to which there is nothing comparable in the history of 1794. modern Europe. The ruling principle of that extraordi- Increased nary government was to destroy the whole aristocracy the both of rank and talent. Power of intellect, indepen- ment. dence of thought, was in an especial manner the object which the of the Dictator's jealousy; he regarded it with more the people aversion than the aristocracy either of birth or wealth.1* was secured. It was on this foundation that his authority rested; Mémoires, the mass of the people ardently supported a government which was rapidly destroying every thing which was above them in station, or superior in ability. Every man felt his own consequence increased, and his own prospects improved, by the destruction of his more able or more fortunate rivals. Inexorable towards individuals or leaders, Robespierre was careful of protecting the masses of the community; and the lower orders, who always se borne à intriguer sourdement et à s'agiter beaucoup à la Montagne, lorsque le Comité du Salut Public propose une mesure fatale aux factions. Bourdon de l'Oise s'est couvert de crimes dans la Vendée, où il s'est donné le plaisir, dans ses orgies avec le traître Tunk, de tuer des volontaires de sa main. Il joint la perfidie à la fureur. Il a été le plus fougueux défenseur de l'athéisme. Il n'a cessé de faire du décret qui proclame l'existence de l'Etre Suprême un moyen de susciter dans la Montagne des ennemis au gouvernment-et il a réussi. Le jour de la fête, en présence du peuple, il s'est permis sur ce sujet les plus grossiers sarcasmes, et les déclamations les plus indécentes. Léonard Bourdon-intriguant méprisé de tous les temps, l'un des principaux complices, ami inséparable de Clootz; il était initié dans la conspiration tramée chez Gobel. Rien n'égale la bassesse des intrigues qu'il mit en œuvre pour grossir le nombre de ses pensionnaires. Il était aux Jacobins l'un des orateurs les plus intarissables pour propager les doctrines d'Hébert." Notes écrites de la main de ROBESPIERRE; Papiers inédits de ROBESPIERRE, ii. 37, and iii. 111; and Hist. Parl. xxxiii. 168, 172. 'Quel est le but? L'exécution de la constitution en faveur du peuple.— Quels seront nos ennemis? Les hommes vicieux et les riches.-Il faut donc éclairer le peuple: mais quels sont les obstacles à l'instruction du peuple? Les écrivains mercénaires, qui l'égarent par des impostures journalières et impudentes. Que conclure de là? Qu'il faut proscrire les écrivains comme les plus dangereux ennemis de la patrie.-Quels sont les moyens de terminer la guerre civile? 1. Proscription des écrivains perfides et contre-révolutionnaires ; propagation de bons écrits. 2. Punition des traîtres et conspirateurs. 3. Nomination des généreux patriotes, destitution des autres. 4. Subsistence et lois populaires." — Catéchisme écrit par la main de ROBESPIERRE. Papiers inédits trouvés chez ROBESPIERRE, ii. 13. VOL. III. T ii. 22. XV. 1794. CHAP. have a secret pleasure in the depression of their superiors, beheld with satisfaction the thunder which rolled innocuous over their heads, striking every one who could by possibility stand in their way. The whole physical strength of the Republic, which must always be drawn from the labouring classes, was thus devoted to his will. The armed force of Paris, under the orders of Henriot, and formed of the lowest of the rabble, was at his disposal; the Club of the Jacobins, purified and composed according to his orders, were ready to support all his projects; the Revolutionary Tribunal blindly obeyed his commands; the new municipality, with Henriot at its head, was devoted to his will. By the activity of the Jacobin clubs, and the universal maintenance of the same interests, a similar state of things prevailed in every department of France. Universally the lowest class considered Robespierre as identified with the Revolution, and as centring in his person all the projects of aggrandisement which were afloat in their minds. His speeches and measures breathed that ardent wish for the amelioration of the working classes, by the division of property and extirpation of capital, which afterwards, under the name of socialism and communism, and guided by the genius of Lamartine and Louis Blanc, so strongly agitated France 338, 340 and Europe. None remained to contest his authority, but the remnants of the Constitutional and Girondist parties, who still lingered in the Convention.1 1 Deux Amis, xii. Mig. ii. 326, 327. 36. Decree establishing the Polytechnic School. June 1. In pursuance of these principles, the government of Robespierre, amidst all its severity to those who were either elevated by birth, possessed of fortune, distinguished by talent, or allied by habit or inclination to any of these higher classes, had made several steps towards the establishment of institutions designed for the elevation and relief of the labouring poor, and which, if combined with a just and rational government in other respects, might have been attended with the most salutary effects. "Education," said Barère, in the name of the Committee of CHAP. XV. 1794. Public Salvation, "is the greatest blessing which man can receive it is the only one which the vicissitudes of time cannot take away. The incalculable advantage of revolutions is, that merit obtains the rank which is due to it, and that each citizen fills the situation for which he is qualified by the species of talent which he possesses. The republican, therefore, should be instructed in such a manner, as to be prepared for every situation either of peace or of war." In pursuance of these principles, it was decreed that six young men should be sent to Paris from every district in the Republic, to be educated at the public expense in the Ecole de Mars, and placed under the immediate direction of the Committee of Public Salvation, to be instructed in the art of war and fortification. This was immediately carried into effect, and became the foundation of the far-famed Polytechnic School, which June 1. furnished such an inexhaustible supply of skilled officers xxxii. 131. for the armies of the empire.1 1 Decree, Hist. Parl. 37. measures perism. The frightful misery in the interior of the empire, the natural result of the Revolution, at the same time at- Admirable tracted the attention of government, and they prepared for the reto meet it in a noble spirit. "While the cannon," said lief of pauCarnot, in the name of the Committee of Public Salvation, "thunders on the frontier, mendicity, that scourge of monarchies, has made frightful progress in the interior. Yet it is an evil disgraceful to a republic, incompatible with a popular government. The shameful word beggar should be unknown in a republican dictionary, and the picture of mendicity on the earth has hitherto been nothing but that of constant conspiracies of the class of proprietors against that of non-proprietors. Let us leave to insolent despotism the construction of hospitals, to bury the unfortunates whom it has created, or to support for a moment the slaves whom it could not devour. That horrible generosity of the despot aids him in deceiving the people. Despotism has favoured the mendicants, only because they were base and suppliant. But what has it XV. 1794. CHAP. done for the general wide-spread indigence of the country? What for tottering age or helpless infancy? What for the bereaved widow or the weeping orphan? Nothing; because they were independent, and would rather perish than fall at its feet. The true principles of beneficence are to succour, in their own homes, infancy and youth, where it is destitute; manhood, where it is sick or without employment; old age, where it is impotent or infirm." In pursuance of these just and enlightened principles, a great variety of regulations were brought forward and decreed for the relief, in their own homes--not in hospitals or by money charity-of orphan and destitute children, and their education; for the succour of middleaged men and women in a state of temporary destitution; and for the permanent support of widows, the aged, and the impotent, as well as those who had been mutilated in the public service, and their widows and children.—“ Fas est et ab hoste doceri." The true principles of the management of the poor are to be found in the report of the See Decree, Committee of Public Salvation, and regular governments Hist. Parl. will never act so wisely for their own as well as their people's interest, as when they take this leaf out of the book of their enemies.1* May 20. xxxiii. 24, 56. 38. speech of Robespierre, shortly before his fall, thus summed up Remarkable the principles of his administration: "I have spoken of Robespierre the virtue of the people; but that virtue, demonstrated by on the prin- the whole Revolution, would not alone suffice to defend ciples of his government. us against the factions who never cease to corrupt and * The provisions of this law, evidently drawn up by Robespierre, and agreed to by the Committee of Public Salvation and the Convention, are very remarkable, and may serve as a model for many governments, which in other respects with justice decry their proceedings. Its details are far too minute for a work of general history, but the principles on which they were founded were these:1. That the succour of the destitute, the orphans, and the impotent, is a duty of the state, and should be discharged by the public functionaries, and from the state funds. 2. That the distribution of relief should be made by a public officer, to be appointed for that purpose in each of the departments of the Republic. 3. That in each department there shall be opened a register, to be entitled "Book of National Beneficence," in which shall be a title, 1st, For infirm or aged cultivators; 2d, For infirm or aged artisans; 3d, For mothers XV. 1794. tear asunder the Republic. Why is that? Why is that? Because CHAP. there are two wholly different people in France-the mass of the citizens, pure, simple, loving justice, and friendly to liberty; that mass which has conquered its enemies within, and shaken the throne of tyrants: the other is an aggregation of rascals and intriguers, of aristocrats and charlatans, who would convert power and instruction to no other purpose but their own aggrandisement. As long as that impure race exists, the condition of the Republic will be unhappy and precarious. Let them reign for a day, and the country is lost. It is for you to deliver yourselves from them by imposing energy and unchangeable concert. In saying these words, I am perhaps sharpening poniards against myself, and it is for that very reason that I pronounce them. You will persevere in your principles and your triumphant march; you will stifle crime and save your country. I have lived enough. I have seen the French people start from the depth of servitude and debasement to the summit of glory and of republican virtue. I have seen their fetters broken, and the guilty thrones which oppressed the earth shaken by their triumphant arms. I have seen-more marvellous still—a prodigy which the corruptions of the monarchy, and the inexperience of the first periods of the Revolution, could hardly have permitted us to hope—an and widows. For these classes it was calculated that there would be required in all the departments— For the first, For the second, For the third, For the sick poor in their own houses, Francs. The sum allotted to each pauper receiving public aid was to be ten sous (4d.) a-day for each adult, and six sous a-day (24d.) for each child under ten years of age. The whole relief was to be given in the houses of the poor; and it was calculated that, in the first instance, the number of families in health receiving succour would be 106,000, or 425,000 individuals, and the sick 21,000. There can be no doubt that these numbers were below what would have been required: but these enactments contain the principles of all right legislation on the subject. See Histoire Parlementaire de la Révolution, xxxiii. 37, 68. |