XIV. 1793. 88. of the Jaco bin Club. Dec. 15. CHAP. caution in acting against so powerful a faction as the Anarchists, headed by so weighty a body as the municipality of Paris. They began their operations by a puriPurification fication, as it was called, of the Jacobin Club, which went on for several days in the middle of December. In the course of these discussions, Robespierre denounced Hébert in the most violent terms. He was at first expelled, and subsequently only re-admitted on his declaring that "the Gospel appeared to be a book of excellent morality; that all true Jacobins should follow its precepts; and that Jesus Christ was the founder of all popular societies." But Robespierre succeeded in excluding Anacharsis Clootz, a Prussian, who had acquired notoriety by styling himself "the orator of the human race." He did so by the neverfailing device of representing him as the secret agent of the Allies.* At the same time that the leaders of the Anarchist faction were in this manner excluded by the all-powerful influence of Robespierre and the Committee of Public Salvation, Danton, Camille Desmoulins, Panis, Colombel, and all the other leaders of the Moderate party, were admitted. By this decisive measure the Anarchists were rendered wholly powerless in the Jacobins; and a severe blow was given to the weight of the municipality, bins, 14th by showing that its leading members were excluded from Dec. Nos. the ruling club of the Revolution, while their determined Lam. Hist. enemies were admitted, on the motion of Robespierre, des Gir. vii. amidst loud acclamation.1 His speech on proposing Camille Desmoulins, considering the awful tragedy which 1 Journal des Jaco and 15th 555, 556. 398. * "Vouz avez vu Clootz," said Robespierre, "tantôt aux pieds du tyran et de la cour, tantôt aux genoux du peuple. Lorsqu'une faction liberticide dominait au milieu de vous, Clootz embrassa le parti de Brissot et de Dumourier. Le Prussien Clootz appuya leurs opinions avec frénésie; et qu'on attaquât l'univers. Eh bien! Clootz, nous connaissons tes visites et tes complots nocturnes. Nous savons que, couvert des ombres de la nuit, tu as preparé avec l'évêque Gobel cette mascarade philosophique. Paris fourmille d'intriguans, d'Anglais, et d'Autrichiens. Ils siègent au milieu de vous avec les agens de Frédéric. Clootz est un Prussien. Je vous ai tracé l'histoire de sa vie publique. Prononcez!" This speech sealed his doom. See Journal des Jacobins, 15 Decembre 1793. XIV. 1794. was fast approaching, is well worthy of consideration,* CHAP. as indicating the profound perfidy by which he was animated. It was by this Machiavelian policy that Robespierre succeeded in finally destroying both sets of his opponents. 66 89. ment of the tion. Robespierre first announced his project of double vengeance in the Convention. Without," said he, "all the Announcetyrants of the earth are conspiring against you; within, project in all their friends are aiding their efforts: they will continue the Convento do so till hope is severed from crime. We must stifle Dec. 23. the external and internal enemies of the Republic, or perish with it. In such circumstances, the only principles of government are to rule the people by the force of Reason, and their enemies by the force of Terror. The spring of a popular government in peace is Virtue; in a revolution, it is Virtue and TERROR: Virtue, without which Terror is fatal-Terror, without which Virtue is impotent. The government of a revolution is the despotism of liberty against tyranny. The opposite factions with which we have to contend march under different banners, and by different routes; but their object is the same--the disorganisation of the popular government and the triumph of tyranny. The one preaches fury, the other clemency; the one tends to this object by its leaning to weakness, the other by its inclination to excess. The one would change liberty into a bacchanal, the other into a prostitute; the one would transport you into the torrid, the other into the frozen zone. But both alike keep aloof from courage, justice, magnanimity of soul. It is not worth * "Il faut," said Robespierre, "considérer Camille Desmoulins avec ses vertus et ses faiblesses. Quelquefois faible et confiant, souvent courageux, et toujours républicain, on l'a vu successivement l'ami de Lameth, de Mirabeau, de Dillon, mais on l'a vu aussi briser ces mêmes idoles qu'il avait encensées. Il les a sacrifiées sur l'autel qu'il leur avait élévé, aussitôt qu'il a reconnu leur perfidie. En un mot, il aimait la liberté par instinct et par sentiment, et n'a jamais aimé qu'elle, malgré les séductions puissantes de tous ceux qui la trahirent. J'engage Camille Desmoulins à poursuivre sa carrière; mais à n'être plus aussi versatile, et à tâcher de ne plus se tromper sur le compte des hommes qui jouent un grand rôle sur la scène publique."-Journal de Jacobins, No. 556, 558, 15 Decembre 1793; and Hist. Parl. xxi. 340, 341. VOL. III. Р XIV. 1794. CHAP. while to try to distinguish; what is really material is to appreciate them by their objects and their ends. In that respect, you will find that they are sufficiently near each other. The Republic must steer between these two shoals -impotence and excess. Tyrants have wished to throw us back into servitude by moderation; sometimes they aim at the same object by driving us into the opposite extreme. These two extremes terminate in the same Rapport point. Whether they fall short or overshoot the mark, pierre, Dec. they equally miss it. The friend of kings and the orator of the human race understand each other perfectly. The fanatic covered with his relics, and the fanatic who preaches ii. 307. Th atheism, are closely allied. The democratic barons are Pap. inéd. twin-brothers of those at Coblentz ; and sometimes the bonnets rouges are nearer the talons rouges than would be at first imagined. 1 de Robes 23, 1793. Hist. Parl. xxx. 463, 469. Mig. vi. 155, 156. trouv. chez Rob. ii. 49. 90. Robespierre's speech in support of it. 66 Foreign powers have vomited into France able villains, whom they retain in their pay. They deliberate in our administrations, insinuate themselves into our sections and our clubs, sit in the Convention, and eternally direct the counter-revolution by the same means. They flutter round us, extract by surprise our secrets, caress our passions, and seek to make us converts to their opinions. By turns they drive us to exaggeration or weakness; excite in Paris the fanaticism of the new worship, and in la Vendée resistance to the old; assassinate Marat and Lepelletier, and mingle with the group which would deify their remains at one time spread plenty among the people, at another reduce them to all the horrors of famine; circulate and withdraw the metallic currency, and thus occasion the extraordinary changes in the value of money; profit, in fine, by every accident, to turn it against France and the Revolution.” Such is the invariable policy of revolutionary parties, to impute to strangers, or the opposite faction, the natural effect of their own passions and vices. This speech was 496. Thi. ordered to be printed, and circulated over all France.2 It was followed by a decree, sending Biron, Custine's Hist. Parl. xxx. 465, 120, 121. XIV. son, Dietrich, mayor of Strassburg, and all the friends of CHAP. Dumourier, Custine, and Houchard, to the Revolutionary Tribunal, from whence they were soon after conducted to the scaffold. 1794. 91. speech to effect, by "Citizens," said St Just, some time after, "you wish a republic; if you are not prepared at the same time to Remarkable wish for what constitutes it, you will be buried under its the same ruins. Now, what constitutes a republic is the destruction St of every thing which opposes it. You are culpable towards March 2, the Republic if you have pity on the captives; you are culpable if you do not support virtue; you are culpable if you do not support terror. What do you propose, you who would not strike terror into the wicked? What do 1794. you propose, you who would sever virtue from happiness? You shall perish, you who only act the patriot till bought by the stranger, or placed in office by the government ; you of the indulgent faction, who would save the wicked; you of the foreign faction, who would be severe only on the friends of freedom. Measures are already taken; you are surrounded. Thanks to the genius of France, Liberty has risen victorious from one of the greatest dangers she ever encountered; the terror she will strike into her enemies will for ever purge the earth of the conspirators. We are accused of cruelty; but we are humane in comparison of other governments. A monarchy floats on the blood of thirty generations, and shall you hesitate to punish the guilty of one? Do we experience reverses? the indulgent prophesy calamities: Are we prosperous? they never mention our successes. You are more occupied with pamphlets than the Republic.* You demand the opening of the prisons you might as well demand at once the misery and destruction of the Parl. Hist. people. The same conspiracy is now striving to save the 391. Deux guilty which formerly strove to save the tyrant. A 115, 116. monarchy does not consist in a king, but in crime; a Lac. ii. 145. republic not in a senate, but in virtue.1 Whoever would Alluding to the Vieux Cordelier of Camille Desmoulins, recently published. xxxi. 385, Amis, xii. Mig. ii. 309 XIV. 1794. CHAP. spare crime is striving to restore the monarchy: spare the aristocracy, and you will have thirty years of civil war those who make revolutions by halves, only dig their own graves." The Convention, awed by the tyrants, invested the committees with full power to crush the conspiracies. They decreed in addition, that Terror and Virtue should be the order of the day. 92. of the Ánar The Anarchists were the first to feel the vengeance of Proscription their former supporters. They in vain endeavoured to chists. rouse their ancient partisans in the commune to support their cause; terror had frozen every heart. As the danger became more menacing, they openly organised a revolt, and strove to the very uttermost to rouse the immense population of Paris for their support. Their leaders made extraordinary efforts to excite the people to insurrection; and innumerable placards, ascribing the whole public evils, and in particular the famine which prevailed, to the Convention, appeared in the markets, and in all the populous quarters of Paris. The statue of Liberty was covered with crape at the club of the Cordeliers, where they had taken refuge since their expulsion from the Jacobins; and insurrection openly prevailed on the 4th March. They even went so far as to propose that the whole Convention should be dissolved, a new one assembled, a dictator named, and an executive government organised. But all the efforts of Hébert, with his infamous journal-Momoro, with the resolutions of the Section Marat, which he had roused to espouse their cause and Vincent, with his frenzied followers, could not produce a popular movement. The municipality held back; the Jacobins were ruled by the Committee of Public Salvation and Robespierre. In all the sections, except that of Marat, hesitation and division of opinion prevailed. Fear of the terrible energy of the Committee of Public Salvation paralysed every arm. March 12. Seeing public opinion, after a few days, sufficiently pronounced, Robespierre acted. On the night of the 12th, |