Sweden, or in the United Provinces of Holland, to demand formally the abrogation of their laws, or fresh provisions against future insult? No; he wreaked his vengeance in a more manly form. The subverter of public liberty placed the treatise in the hands of his secretary, who, inspired with the same fanatical ideas as his master, poured forth his indignation upon the asserter of the royal cause with no sparing hand; and by the sublime grandeur of his imagery, by the richness and fulness of those sentiments which had warmed the heroes of Greece and Rome in a better cause, by the elegant structure of his latinity, he broke the heart of Salmasius, and brought down upon himself the admiration of every scholar, and upon Cromwell, the dread of every statesman in Europe.' The behaviour of Cromwell certainly was more dignified than that of Bonaparte, and he was fortunate also in having a Milton to undertake his defence: but the cases, as they affect the two countries, are not similar. England had not been at war with Sweden, nor could the attack of Salmasius be attributed to a spirit of national enmity. On the chief bone of contention, the article respecting Malta, the present writer's arguments are more detailed, but are essentially similar to those which occur in the last mentioned pamphlet. It is strenuously contended that we had a right to keep a compensation out of our conquests, for the important acquisitions made by France on the Continent. This right, though arising from the principle of the balance of power, is not recognized "in the bond:" but, if our Ministers had foreseen that the language of France to us, after the signature of the late treaty, would have been "the whole treaty of Amiens and nothing but the treaty of Amiens," this treaty would probably have been more full and explicit; at least it would have contained an article by which the high contracting parties would have bound themselves to abstain from aggrandizement, and by which it should be expressed that acquisitions and annexations of territory in time of peace should be considered as a declaration of war. Owing to the. omission of such an article, we are represented on the Continent as violators of our own engagements: but, in reply to such a statement, it may be observed that we could not mean by the treaty of Amiens to abrogate the great law of Nature and Nations; that we could not mean to deliver ourselves bound hand and foot into the power of the French government; and that the principles of selfdefence and national independence are paramount to the faith of treaties. Is every thing to be surrendered, because we have been over reached by French diplomatists? The auther of these spirited Reflections is induced to hope that, though we are at present single in the contest, the oppressive acts of our enemy will probably excite other states to join us: but, should we be disappointed in this expectation, he exhorts us to use all the means of defence and chastisement that are in our power; and, since it is our business to fight against the Corsican and not to rail at him,' to prepare by unanimity, by active courage and passive fortitude, to meet the difficulties of the war, and finally to succeed in it. The zeal universally called forth on the present occasion is not only highly honourable to us, but, according to this writer, it insures us triumph. • When When the people of Great Britain wage a National War, it must end in glory, and woe be to those who are their enemies!' How little, then, has Bonaparte to expect, and how little have we to fear! Art. 20. A Warning Voice! or the frightful Examples and awful Experience of other Nations: Submitted to the serious Consideration of the People of Great Britain and Ireland; with a true but short History of Bonaparte. By George Briton. 12mo. 3d. per Dozen. Hatchard. or 28 64. Mr. Briton very energetically attempts to rouse his namesakes and fellow-subjects to arms; and, conceiving that a frightful picture of Bonaparte may assist to inflame the passions of the multitude, he has laboured to produce a portrait of him which out-devils the very devil himself. This man, says he, than whom a greater torment could not issue from the bosom of hell to afflict a nation, demands of the Bri. tish people their LIVES, their LIBERTIES, and their HONOUR.' To such a demand, proceeding from whatever quarter, Britons know how to reply. Art. 21. Strike or Die! Alfred's first Letter to the good People of England. 12mo. 3d. or 2s. 6d. per Dozen. Hatchard. In substance, tendency, and even in language, much resembling the above. The atrocities perpetrated on other nations by the French are enumerated, to put us on our guard, and to animate us with one soul to resist their insatiable ambition. The Corsican's curse and hatred of us have not palsied our efforts; and, in the present attitude of the country, Invasion and the Defeat of the Invaders must be simul taneous. Art. 22. Unanimity Recommended. By W. Burdon, A. M. 8vo. Ostell. 18. Though Mr. Burdon disapproved of the last war, he heartily acquiesces in the present; and he thinks that Ministers are neither to be condemned for agreeing to the article relative to Malta in the treaty of Amiens, nor for refusing to ratify it under so important a change of circumstances. In the domineering spirit of France evinced towards other nations, he perceives a legitimate ground for complaint; and in the discovery of her views respecting ourselves and our possessions, he finds a justification of our appeal to the sword. hopes that all questions relative to Reform, Establishments, Toleration, and various other subjects, may be laid asleep for the present, in order that nothing may interrupt our unanimity in opposing the common enemy. Art. 23. A Letter to a Member of Parliament. 8vo. Is. 6d. the the present circumstances of Great Britain and Ireland; and how far the same system is applicable to both. To Ireland, as the most vulnerable part of the united kingdom, he thinks that particular attention should be directed; and he advises us to conciliate the minds of the natives as the first step towards its security. This is sound judgment: but we do not admire his recommendation to Government to suppress the volunteer corps, in the plan of home defence. Art. 24. Proceedings at a General Meeting of the Loyal North Britons, held at the Crown and Anchor Aug. 8, 1803; containing a correct Copy of the celebrated Speech of James Mackintosh, Esq.; the Stanzas spoken on the same Occasion by Thomas Campbell, Esq., Author of "the Pleasures of Hope," &c.; and the Substance of the Speeches of the Right Hon. Lord Reay, and J. W. Adam, Esq., on being elected Officers of the Corps. 8vo. Longman and Co. IS. Mr. Mackintosh's speech is a true Philippic, possessing the genuine properties of Demosthenic eloquence. His hearers are electrified: he inflames them to a noble zeal in their country's cause: in representing their danger and the nature of the conflict, he inspires a fearless magnanimity; and, proud of the elevation of glorious peril, they resolve that, if called to battle for the liberties and independence of their country, they will "return victorious or return no more." Mr. M. urges, in his well-known forcible manner, the impossibility for a nation to be safe without being brave;' and he calls on the Loyal North Britons so to devote themselves, that the present struggle may be rendered the fairest page in the history of the wars of Freedom against Tyrants.' The other pieces which accompany this speech are in the same strain. Among them, we observe a composition which has both poetic and patriotic merit: SONG OF DEATH. Farewell, thou fair day, thou green earth, and ye skies, Farewell, loves and friendships; ye dear, tender ties, Our race of existence is run! Thou grim king of terrors, thou life's gloomy foe, Go, teach them to tremble, fell tyrant! but know, Thou strik'st the poor peasant-he sinks in the dark, Thou strik'st the young hero-a glorious mark! In the field of proud honour-our swords in our hands, While vict'ry shines on life's last ebbing sands- O who would not die with the brave?' REV. AUG. 1803. Ff Art. Art. 25. chard. Antients and moderns have perceived that Egypt was peculiarly adapted, by its geographical position, for a general emporium of the commerce of Europe, Asia, and Africa; and before the discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good Hope, it was the place of transit for the productions of the Eastern into the Western world. That the French, with their all-grasping ambition, should "cast a longing look" towards Egypt, and project schemes for its occupation, is no matter of astonishment; and it clearly appears from the extraordinary Memoir of the philosopher Leibnitz, that the expedition in the year 1798, for the conquest of Egypt, under the command of General Bonaparte, was no new measure, but little more than the execution of a plan which had been treasured at Versailles, for above a century, among the secrets of state. So minutely does the plan projected by Leibnitz seem to have been followed, that the Expedition into Syria, which was so gallantly and successfully checked by Sir Sydney Smith, may be traced to this source. At the present juncture, the abstracts made from this bulky memoir are very interesting, as they serve to develop the whole plan of our enemies, and may contribute to put us on our guard. "From Egypt (it is remarked) the Dutch will, without difficulty, be stripped of their Indian trade, upon which all their power, at the present day, depends; and they will be thus more immediately and certainly injured, than by the greatest successes of open war." The original expressions are, (Leibnitz's Memoir being written in Latin,)" HOLLANDI ex Egypto commerciis Iudicis nullo negotio depellentur, QUIBUS OMNIS EORUM POTENTIA HODIE NITITUR; et longe certius rectiusque afligentur quam possit (possint) maximo successu belli aperti." To this passage, the editor subjoins the following judicious comment: Here, mutato nomine, we plainly read our own destiny in the calculations of the French Government.' In the Appendix, the editor justifies our conduct in the retention of Malta; and he contends that the very meaning and spirit of the treaty require, that we should receive an adequate security against the danger of the island falling into the hands of the French, before we surrender it. The authority of Vattel is also quoted on our side of the question. It does not appear how the editor obtained possession of the contents of this memoir. Art. 26. A Few Cursory Remarks upon the State of Parties, during the Administration of the Right Hon. Henry Addington. By a Near Observer. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Hatchard. A true exhibition of the state of parties will seldom contribute to exalt the moral character of statesmen, or to inspire the confidence of the public; for what do we here contemplate, except little passions interfering in great affairs, and the contemptible pride or resentment of individuals obstructing the general welfare? From splendid talents in eminent situations, better things might reasonably be expected, if 7 history history did not inform us that the climate of politics is unpropitious to the growth of virtue, and that patriotism rarely escapes the vortex of selfishness. This Near Observer has delineated the present State of Parties with a very masterly hand; and his portraits, though they may not be pleasing, appear to us to be faithful likenesses. The conduct of Mr. Pitt, Lord Grenville. &c. is examined with the keenness of a Reviewer of the first class; their motives are penetrated; and their views are explained from negative as well as positive evidence. With this analysis of the character of the ex-minister and his party, a vindication of the present premier is skilfully interwoven; and Mr. Addington has not among all his friends obtained a more powerful though not always a flattering advocate. This political critic furnishes us with some neat remarks on the Speech of Mr. Pitt in the important debate on the evening of the 2 d of May last, when the newspaper reporters were unfortunately excluded: In the speech which preceded the vote which the right honourable gentleman gave for the Address, a near observer could not mistake or overlook a very marked coldness, and studied personal indifference towards the ministers, and the first minister in particular. Not one expression of regard, not even the form and habit of his right honourable friend escaped the reserved and cautious lips of the most CONSTANT, ACTIVE, and ZEALOUS supporter of Mr. ADDINGTON! According to the new religion of the party which Mr. Pitt had lately insisted upon bringing back with him into the King's councils, his conscience enabled him to support the measures without commending the men. Content for the moment with the effect of his cold, repulsive neutrality; having alarmed one part of his hearers, afflicted another, and perplexed all, the house saw him pleased to divide with the right honourable gentleman whose credit and influence, not indeed every word that he' had uttered, but every tone and gesture he had used, had been calculated to discourage and discredit!' Thus Mr. Pitt is represented, like Macbeth's witches, "paltering" with his friend Mr. Addington " in a double sense, keeping the word of promise to his ear and breaking it to his hopes;" or rather, like Pope's Atticus, "Willing to wound and yet afraid to strike." It is the opinion of this Near Observer, that Mr. Pitt is by no means as much to be dreaded as an opponent, as he is to be desired for a friend. His habits and his talents, his passions, and even his tones and gestures, are calculated for office and authority. Neither do the public at this moment entertain that unqualified admiration of the mere gift of eloquence, as to prefer it to judgment, knowledge, firmness, equanimity, and other qualities of a minister, which they have lately learned to esteem and applaud; nor could any opposition be seriously formidable as long as ministers pursue the same temperate, but vigorous course, which has enabled them to triumph over every possible obstacle and impediment.' The opposition which has been raised against the King's present servants, by some of the members of the late administration, is consi Ff2 dered |