latitude and longitude of that chain of islands which stretches from Kamtshatka to the coast of America, and which are very inaccurately laid down in charts. For instance, in the general map of Russia, the latitude of Oonalashka is put down 58, in the chart of Krenitzin and Levasheff 53° 30': but, according to Mr. Sauer, it is 53° 56', which agrees very nearly with the latitude 53° 55′ given in Cook's voyages.

The historian, the naturalist, and the observer of manners and human nature, will each find parts of this volume which are suited to his taste, and will be augmentations of his knowlege. The opinion of Dr. Robertson, that America was peopled from Asia, is in some measure strengthened: the Tschutski speak the same language with the inhabitants of the opposite shores; and the coasts, at their nearest point of approach, are not much more than 40 miles asunder; an interval easily passed in slight boats, or, occasionally, on the solid ice. In a commercial view, it might probably be advantageous to our government, to have that part of America explored, which Mr. Sauer was desirous of visiting.

It is certainly to be lamented that this gentleman, with his opportunities, did not possess more knowlege in natural history: yet even here he has done something. He seems to have been active, diligent, and observing; to have entertained just sentiments, and to have stated them with frankness; in fine, to use his own expressions, to have travelled with his eyes open, and to have related what he saw, in the simple language of truth.'

The work is illustrated by a number of maps, charts, views, portraits, &c.

ART. II. On the State of Europe before and after the French Revolution; being an Answer to the Work intitled De l'Etat de la France à la Fin de l'An VIII. By Frederick Gentz, Counsellor at War to his Prussian Majesty, &c. &c. Translated from the German, by John Charles Herries, Esq. Second Edition. 8vo. pp. 400. 8s. Boards. Hatchard. 1803.

GREATER unanimity seems to prevail among politicians, in predicting the consequences which must result from the French revolution, than in assigning its remote and proximate causes: yet this circumstance should not excite any astonishment in the reader, because the decided preponderance which

* This spelling is the same as in Cook's voyages: Mr. Coxe writes it Unalashka We have observed, in the accounts and maps of parts visited by Mr. S., great variations in the spelling of proper names.

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France

France has acquired by the war makes it easier to prophesy than to investigate; while passion and prejudice always act less powerfully on views of the future than on those of the past, As, however, the immediate storms and tempests attending that event have subsided, and peace has succeeded the tumultuous and bloody conflicts of war, there is reason for hoping that every thing relative to it will be discussed with more temper and self-command, and that its advocates and opponents will agree to meet on the ground of fair and open inquiry. M. Hauterive's work on the State of the French Republic at the End of the Year VIII., which displayed much talent and address, and of which we gave some account in Vol. xxxvii. p. 184. N. S., has not been improperly regarded as an official publication of the French government; and, being calculated to subserve the views of France, and to excite a general prejudice against the only power which obstructs her inordinate aggrandizement, it merited the fullest examination. We deem it a fortunate circumstance for our country, therefore, that this examination has not only been undertaken by a foreigner, but has been managed with so much fairness and ability. M. Gentz has set an example which is highly meritorious in a controversialist. Generally speaking, he states his argument clearly and honestly; and, with the comprehensive intellect of a great statesman, he disdains that littleness, and is superior to that illiberality, which we have so often reprobated and lamented in writers on the French revolution. If his view of the subject be in any respects defective, the imperfection results from his not having entered with sufficient minuteness into the state of opinion in France; and from not having duly estimated the effect of the continual action and re-action which existed in that country, between what may be termed the aristocratical and the commercial systems: the one resting on feudal principles and claiming exclusive privileges, and the other expanded by science and the love of liberty.

As M. Hauterive considered the situation of Europe before and at the commencement of the revolution, as at least requiring this event for the benefit of the continental powers, M. Gentz follows his antagonist by first instituting an examination of the previous general state of Europe, in order to prove that, at the period in question, the law of nations was not so inefficient, nor the federal institution so neglected or forgotten, as he

has

*For the benefit of the English reader, the translator defines the author's meaning in the use of this term; Federal constitution pro. perly significs, and is commonly used to denote, such a league between independent

has asserted. The celebrated treaty of Westphalia is regarded by M. Gentz as having laid the foundation of the federal sys tem; and his doctrine is, that neither the intervention of Russia nor the elevation of Prussia has tended to dissolve it. So far from there being reason for lamenting these circumstances as political evils, he is of opinion that the advantages are incalculable which have arisen to Europe from the civilization of the Russian empire; and as to Prussia, he not only displays the advantages of her elevation, but speaks of her as possessing true civil liberty. Adverting to the case of Poland, he remarks that its partition*, however unjust in its principle, was not in its consequences so detrimental as has been represented; it having rather tended to strengthen than to undermine the political system. To justify his principles as a statesman, he appreciates, with much knowlege and discrimination, the rela tive strength, policy, and power of the different nations of Europe: but our limits will not permit us to follow him through this detail.

The prodigious increase of the commercial and colonial system, in all parts of the world, and its operation on the several states of Europe, is next considered. On this subject, it is observed:

If it be true that the system of commerce and colonization was one of the fruits destined to grow and ripen in the soil of society, the roots of this system must be somehow connected with those of the whole social constitution. The natural propensities of man, particularly those of which the general and constant influence determines the fate of society, are seldom found in contradiction to each other. That there should be any great spring of human action in its nature ini mical to society; tending to involve nations in endless hostility; to subvert the law of nations, and even render its existence impossible;

independent states, as form the Swiss and Dutch republics; it is here made to comprehend the whole system of political relations, and the usages which regulate the conduct of states in their trans actions with foreign powers.'

The author charges France with being accessory to this event. • Had it not been for the French revolution, the constitution of 1791 would not have been destroyed, nor the political independence of Poland annihilated.' Indeed, it is accused of beholding the first partition, which paved the way for its subsequent annihilation, with perfect indifference.'

Whatever was the cause or may be the result of this event, it was certainly against the principle of the federative institution, for the maintenance of which M. Gentz is so very strenuous; and it is a proof that justice prevails but little in the ordinary sphere of state policy. The indifference of France does not justify this robbery.

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and

and finally to bring about the decay and ruin of empires; would be extremely unnatural, and is therefore very much to be doubted. The system of commerce, with all its errors, could not produce such effects, and in fact never has: that in some instances it has been the cause of wars, is certain; but what has not been the cause of war? That it has sometimes created discord in the federal constitution of Europe, will not be denied; but can such a constitution be expected to exist without occasional disturbances? Upon the whole, the system of commerce, with all its consequences, the pre-eminent riches of some countries, their naval power, their foreign possessions, and their new influence (disproportioned to the extent of their European territory), had adapted itself exceedingly well to the former social relations of Europe; and if extraordinary and unexpected convulsions had not, from the year 1789, shaken the whole edifice to its foundations, and loosened every part of it, the question, Does there still exist a law of nations? would probably, at this time, have been absurd, notwithstanding all the changes dccasioned or hastened by that system.'

Notwithstanding the remarks of this apologist for the commercial system, it must be owned that the incessant competition which it excites among nations has a tendency to instigate war, while the system itself increases their points of contact. We were surprized that M. Gentz should in one place assert that all countries were benefited by the commercial and colonial system, nearly in the same proportion; when he afterward represents the advantages of commerce and colonization as only conditional, depending on the industry, morals, legislation, and polity of the mother-country. After much reasoning on the effects of commerce in general, he particularly applies it; observing that

The nature and character of that system contained no essential cause of any dreadful revolution; and we are taught by experience, that, so far from having occasioned such an one, it has, on the contrary, added such power to some nations, as to form a beneficial counterpoise; whereby the federal constitution has more than once been defended against dangers that threatened its security.'

By the epithet dreadful, force is added to the remark without its truth being weakened. Commerce cannot be accused as an essential cause of any dreadful revolution: but, if that system leads to change, which it undoubtedly does, other causes may combine with it to produce a dreadful one under particu lar circumstances. No nation exhibits more indisputable evidences of the revolutionary nature of commerce than Great Britain, where the most material alterations are every day produced by it in the condition of individuals. How many persons, without family or fortune, have gone to the East or West Indies, and in the course of a few years have returned with

wealth

wealth sufficient to eclipse the old gentry of the district in which they passed their infancy, and to purchase estates on which their parents perhaps laboured in the capacity of menials! One of the children of the declining family, urged by necessity, may resolve on courting fortune in the same way; and, if he succeed, in the next generation he may re-purchase the domains which once belonged to his ancestors, or others of equal value. Thus property is continually changing hands; and though this be a source of great mortification to some, it is beneficial to the nation at large; because estates obtain a degree of melioration which they would not otherwise have received, and excite a spirit of improvement among the neigh bouring occupiers. Such is the nature of the British constitution, and such are the rational and manly sentiments prevailing among the British people, that these fluctuations in the condition of individuals composing the political body lead to no dreadful revolution; they rather act as a salutary stimulus on individual exertion, and counteract that pride of birth which, however flattering to great families, must necessarily obstruct national advancement. France envied the prosperity of this country, and wished to imitate us: but the component parts of its society were formed of different materials. The class of gentry could not amalgamate with the commercial class. Ideas favourable to trade were not cherished. Riches grew from commerce: but, when they were acquired, the successful adventurer did not easily and naturally find his place among his fellow-citizens, and was opposed by feudal prejudices which he brooked with difficulty. As the genius of trade was not cherished by France, it did not improve the resources of that state in the same proportion in which it had augmented those of Great Britain; and the attempt to follow us in the career of liberty produced a collision which shook the civil edifice to pieces, and, under the name of revolution, effected the completest anarchy. It is evident, from our own experience, that the progress of knowlege and the changes effected by commerce do not essentially cause a dreadful revolution: but, under circumstances materially different, they may produce the most tremendous convulsions. We shall not here examine how far the war of the French revolution contributed to increase its horrors, but transcribe some of M. Gentz's observations on the causes and consequences of that subversion.

I can assent, Ist, that there existed in the internal, social, and domestic state of most European countries, and particularly of the French monarchy, certain discordances, which might lead to great convulsions, and which, when those convulsions did take place, might in general be looked upon, with reason, as the preparatory causes of

them;