"Their relatives bewail him with dishevelled hair; and say 'Alas, verily he is dead!' They wrap him in a cloth and bear him away; and taking him to the pile, they burn him. "So he, forsaking his wealth, pierced with stakes, is burnt in a single cloth. To the dying, neither relatives nor friends are a refuge here. "The heirs take away his wealth; its owner goes to fare according to his deserts. The dead man wealth follows not, nor sons, nor wife, nor property, nor land. "By wealth a man gains not length of years; nor by possessions escapes the decay of age. Short is this life, say the wise, and unenduring, full of change. "Rich and poor alike are touched by this stroke; the fool even with the wise is touched. But the fool, thus stricken, that moment in his folly succumbs; the wise man is touched but is unmoved. "Therefore wisdom is better than riches: 'tis by this that a man attains Arahatship, the end of existence. For they in whom folly hath not ceased, go on from birth to birth performing sinful acts. "Man enters the womb and goes to a new existence, being born and re-born continually; believing such a one, the man of little wit again enters the womb and again is born to existence. "As the wicked thief, taken in house-breaking, is punished in consequence of his own act, even so mankind; the wicked man is punished hereafter in another world in consequence of his own act. "The pleasures of sense, varied, and sweet, and heartdelighting, stir up the mind in changing modes. Seeing the evils of the pleasures of sense, therefore I went forth, O King, unto homelessness. "As fruit from the tree, so at the dissolution of the body fall the boy, and the youth, and the aged. Seeing this, O King, went I forth from home unto homelessness. excellent is the recluse's certain way." Most ART. XXIV.-The Babylonian Chronicle. By THEO. G. In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for October, The original is a large tablet of unbaked clay, about eight inches square when perfect. The upper part has now, however, disappeared, so that probably less than onethird of the text remains, damaged and very imperfect in places. The writing, though clear, is not in the best style, some of the characters having apparently been very carelessly formed, and portions of the surface preserved have also suffered severely in the course of the twenty-three centuries or thereabouts which have passed since the present copy was written. If we may form any conclusion from the wording of the inscription, it is probable that a copy of our text fell, about 650 B.C. or earlier, into the hands of Assyrians, who seem to have compiled from it, or from another version which differed somewhat, the series known as the "Synchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia." If so, they left out all the references which might be regarded as damaging to the reputation of the Assyrians as warriors, or too laudatory to the Babylonians. The first column refers to Kadišman-Muruš, son of Karindaš, and grandson of the Assyrian king Aššur-uballit (1400 B.C.). If, however, the Babylonian version here published be correct, the Assyrian copyist of the "Synchronous History" must have gone somewhat astray, for he calls the Babylonian king Kara-Murdaš instead of KadišmanMuruš, and leaves out the name of his father Kara-indaš.1 He omits also the fact that Kadišman-Muruš transported the "numerous Sutî" from the East (their native place) to the West (the land of the Amorites), "until there were no more" (ádi lâ base). The Assyrian text also differs in calling Šu-zigaš by the name of Nazi-bugaš. We learn from the "Synchronous History" that Aššur-uballit, king of Assyria, avenged his grandson by killing Nazi-bugaš (=Šu-zigaš), and setting on the throne Kuri-galzu, son of Burna-burias, whose reign forms the subject of the second column of our text. The long account of what seems to have taken place in the land Tâmtim (the land of the sea-coast) does not occur in the Assyrian version. The Babylonian version, as will be seen, was not a mere outline of what took place, but a detailed account, seemingly compiled from trustworthy sources-probably Kuri-galzu's own records-and seems to have had a certain amount of literary merit. It is probable that Babylon and Borsippa had not submitted to Kurigalzu because of his having been set on the throne by the King of Assyria, and if this be the case it would account for his adding those cities to his dominions (line 9). The account of Hurba-tila's challenge to Kuri-galzu to fight with him at Dûr-Dungi, and the defeat of Hurba-tila there, 1 The name of Kara-indaš (= Kar-indaš) comes in lower down, where, however, the name of Kara-Murdaš (= Kadišman-Muruš) is omitted, making the Assyrian text quite incomprehensible. The are likewise absent from the "Synchronous History." details of the above are contained in columns two and three, and probably occupied a great part of those columns when the text was perfect. The end of this section refers to the battle at Sugaga, which, however, according to the "Synchronous History," was fought with, Êa-nirari,1 not Rammānu-nirari (as our text gives). Rammānu-nirari was the grandson of Êa-nirari, hence, probably, the Babylonian scribe's mistake. The fourth and last column treats of a later periodthe reign of Tukulti-Ninip, of Assyria, who conquered Babylonia, and ruled the country for seven years, when, a revolt against his rule taking place, he was driven out of Babylonia, and Rammānu-nadin-âḥi (or Addu-nadin-âḥi) sat on the throne. Apparently the Babylonians considered it as a kind of judgment against him that the great ones of his country, headed by Aššur-naşir-apli, his own son, also revolted against him, deposed him, and slew him in Kar-Tukulti-Ninip, the city named after him. This, as Aššur-naşir-apli came to the throne in 885 B.C., must have taken place in that year. Who Tukulti-Aššur-Bêl ("my help is Aššur, the lord"), who is mentioned twice in line 12, was, is unknown; but as he is not called king, and has, in fact, no title whatever, it may be conjectured that he was a common man, or, at most, a nobleman, who tried by some means to get influence among the people, and attained thereby a certain reputation, not only in Assyria, but also in Babylonia. If the translation of the beginning of line 12 be correct, Tukulti-Ninip would seem to have ruled Assyria for twelve years. This portion is one that does not redound to the credit of Assyria, and is probably for that reason not touched upon in the "Synchronous History." 1 Elsewhere called, seemingly, Bêl-nirari. to the reputation of the Assyrians as warriors, or too laudatory to the Babylonians. The first column refers to Kadišman-Muruš, son of Karindaš, and grandson of the Assyrian king Aššur-uballiț (1400 B.C.). If, however, the Babylonian version here published be correct, the Assyrian copyist of the "Synchronous History" must have gone somewhat astray, for he calls the Babylonian king Kara-Murdaš instead of KadišmanMuruš, and leaves out the name of his father Kara-indaš.1 He omits also the fact that Kadišman-Murus transported the " numerous Sutî" from the East (their native place) to the West (the land of the Amorites), "until there were no more" (âdi la base). The Assyrian text also differs in calling Šu-zigaš by the name of Nazi-bugaš. We learn from the "Synchronous History" that Aššur-uballiṭ, king of Assyria, avenged his grandson by killing Nazi-bugaš (=Šu-zigaš), and setting on the throne Kuri-galzu, son of Burna-burias, whose reign forms the subject of the second column of our text. The long account of what seems to have taken place in the land Tâmtim (the land of the sea-coast) does not occur in the Assyrian version. The Babylonian version, as will be seen, was not a mere outline of what took place, but a detailed account, seemingly compiled from trustworthy sources-probably Kuri-galzu's own records-and seems to have had a certain amount of literary merit. It is probable that Babylon and Borsippa had not submitted to Kurigalzu because of his having been set on the throne by the King of Assyria, and if this be the case it would account for his adding those cities to his dominions (line 9). The account of Hurba-tila's challenge to Kuri-galzu to fight with him at Dûr-Dungi, and the defeat of Hurba-tila there, 1 The name of Kara-indaš (= Kar-indaš) comes in lower down, where, however, the name of Kara-Murdaš (= Kadišman-Muruš) is omitted, making the Assyrian text quite incomprehensible. |