perty in electors, either real or personal, in poffeffion or in action; but I confider a fair trade or profeffion as valuable property, and an Englishman, who can support himself by honest industry, though in a low ftation, has often a more independent mind than the prodigal owner of a large encumbered estate. When Prynne speaks of every inhabitant and commoner, to whom he supposes that the right of voting originally belonged, I cannot perfuade myself, that he meaned to include fuch as, having nothing at all, and being unable or unwilling to gain any thing by art or labour, were fupported by alins.

If modern authorities be demanded in aid of my opinions, I fhall only mention the great judge, Sir William Blackstone, and I mention him the more willingly, because he never profeffed democratical fentiments, and, though we admire him as the fyftematical arranger of our laws, yet we may faily doubt the popularity of his political notions: nevertheless, he openly allows in his Commentary," that the spirit of our consti"tution is in favour of a more complete repre"sentation of the people." This too is allowed by the very man, who, in another tract, intimates an opinion, "that the value of freeholds them"felves fhould be greatly advanced above what " is now required by law to give the proprietor " a voice in county elections." I told

you,

that

all reasoning from the ftatute of Henry VI. proved too much, and, confequently, nothing; for, who now would bear the idea of difqualifying thofe electors of Surry and Middlefex, whofe freeholds were not of the annual value of twenty pounds?

I hear a murmur among you, and perceive other marks of impatience. Indulge me a moment, and I will defcend; but let me not be mifapprehended. I do not propose to conclude with a fpecifick motion: it is my deliberate opinion, confirmed by my obfervations on the event of your affociations to reduce the influence of the Crown, that your petitions and refolutions. must be very general. In my own mind I go along with you to the full length of your wishes. If the prefent fyftem of representation be justly compared to a tree rotten at the heart, I wish to see removed every particle of its rottennefs, that a microscopick eye could difcern. I deride many of the fashionable doctrines: that of virtual representation I hold to be actual folly; as childish, as if they were to talk of negative representation, and to contend, that it involved any pofitive idea. Subftitute the word delegation or deputation, inftead of reprefentation, and you will inftantly fee the abfurdity of the conceit. Does a man, who is virtually, not actually, re

prefented, delegate or depute any person to make those laws, which may affect his property, his freedom, and his life? None; for he has no fuffrage. How then is he reprefented according to the principles of our conftitution? As well might a Roman tyrant have urged, that all his vaffals were represented in his perfon: he was augur and high prieft; the religious ftate was, therefore, represented by him he was tribune of the people; the popular part of the nation were, therefore, reprefented: he was conful, dictator, master of the horse, every thing he pleased; the civil and military states were, therefore, concentrated in him; the next deduction would have been, that the flaves of his empire were free men. There is no end of abfurdities deducible from fo idle a play upon words.

That there may be an end of my addrefs to you, which has been too long for the place and occafion, but too fhort for the fubject, I resume my feat with a full conviction, that, if united, and dependent on Yourselves alone, you must fucceed; if difunited, or too confident in others, you must fail. Be perfuaded alfo, that the people of England can only expect to be the happiest and most

glorious, while they are the freeft, and can only become the freeft, when they shall be the most virtuous, and most enlightened, of nations.

LL 2

SIR,

ΤΟ

London, May 14, 1782.

I TAKE the liberty of fubmitting to your serious attention the Plan of National Defence lately fuggefted by government, compared with a different plan now approved, though subject to revifion, by a Company of Loyal Englishmen, of which I have the honour to be One. You will inftantly fee, that the first plan was nobly conceived by fome great mind, and intended for the nobleft purposes; but that, in the detail, it appears to be innovating, harsh, unconftitutional, and big with alarming confequences; too expensive for the treasury, who have no treasures to lavish, and too distrustful of a generous and spirited people, who would vigorously Support a government that fincerely confided in The Second plan you will find (and we pledge our honours, to prove) already fanctioned, and even required, by Law, agreeable to the Conftitution, and calculated to preserve it; not too expenfive to real patriots, who will hardly be niggards at fuch a moment as this; and not at all dangerous to fo wife and just a

them.