on each other. If this theory were sound, it seemed to follow that to put one of these powers under the absolute control of the other two, was absurd. But if the number of peers were unlimited, it could not well be denied that the Upper House was under the absolute control of the Crown and the Commons, and was indebted only to their moderation for any power which it might be suffered to retain. friends of his happier days. All those | ported by many of the best and wisest friends, however, were not left to him. men of that age. Nor was this strange. Sir Richard Steele had been gradually The royal prerogative had, within the estranged by various causes. He con- memory of the generation then in the sidered himself as one who, in evil vigour of life, been so grossly abused, times, had braved martyrdom, for his that it was still regarded with a jeapolitical principles, and demanded, lousy which, when the peculiar situwhen the Whig party was triumphant, ation of the House of Brunswick is a large compensation for what he had considered, may perhaps be called imsuffered when it was militant. The moderate. The particular prerogative Whig leaders took a very different view of creating peers had, in the opinion of his claims. They thought that he of the Whigs, been grossly abused by had, by his own petulance and folly, Queen Anne's last ministry; and even brought them as well as himself into the Tories admitted that her Majesty, trouble, and though they did not abso- in swamping, as it has since been called, lutely neglect him, doled out favours the Upper House, had done what only to him with a sparing hand. It was an extreme case could justify. The natural that he should be angry with theory of the English constitution, acthem, and especially angry with Addi- cording to many high authorities, was son. But what above all seems to have that three independent powers, the disturbed Sir Richard, was the eleva- sovereign, the nobility, and the comtion of Tickell, who, at thirty, was mons, ought constantly to act as checks made by Addison Undersecretary of State; while the Editor of the Tatler and Spectator, the author of the Crisis, the member for Stockbridge who had been persecuted for firm adherence to the House of Hanover, was, at near fifty, forced, after many solicitations and complaints, to content himself with a share in the patent of Drury Lane theatre. Steele himself says, in his celebrated letter to Congreve, that Addison, by his preference of Tickell, Steele took part with the Opposition, "incurre the warmest resentment of Addison with the Ministers. Steele, other gentlemen;" and every thing in a paper called the Plebeian, vehcseems to indicate that, of those resent- mently attacked the bill. Sunderland ful gentlemen, Steele was himself one. called for help on Addison, and AddiWhile poor Sir Richard was brooding son obeyed the call. In a paper called ever what he considered as Addison's, the Old Whig, he answered, and indeed unkindness, a new cause of quarrel refuted, Steele's arguments. It seems The Whig party, already di- to us that the premises of both the vided against itself, was rent by a new controversialists were unsound, that on schism. The celebrated Bill for limit- those premises Addison reasoned well ing the number of Peers had been and Steele ill, and that consequently brought in. The proud Duke of Somer- Addison brought out a false conclusion set, first in rank of all the nobles whose while Steele blundered upon the truth. religion permitted them to sit in Par- In style, in wit, and in politeness, liament, was the ostensible author of the Addison maintained his superiority, measure. But it was supported, and though the Old Whig is by no means in truth devised, by the Prime Minister. one of his happiest performances. We are satisfied that the Bill was most pernicious; and we fear that the motives which induced Sunderland to frame it were not honourable to him. But we cannot deny that it was sup arose. At first, both the anonymous opponents observed the laws of propriety. But at length Steele so far forgot himself as to throw an odious imputation on the morals of the chiefs of the ad ministration. Addison replied with severity, but, in our opinion, with less severity than was due to so grave an offence against morality and decorum; nor did he, in his just anger, forget for a moment the laws of good taste and good breeding. One calumny which has been often repcated, and never yet contradicted, it is our duty to expose. It is asserted in the Biographia Britannica, that Addison designated Steele as "little Dicky." This assertion was repeated by Johnson, who had never seen the Old Whig, and was therefore excusable. It has also been repeated by Miss Aikin, who has seen the Old Whig, and for whom therefore there is less excuse. Now, it is true that the words little Dicky" occur in the Old Whig, and that Steele's name was Richard. It is equally true that the words "little Isaac " occur in the Duenna, and that Newton's name was Isaac. But we confidently affirm that Addison's little Dicky had no more to do with Steele, than Sheridan's little Isaac with Newton. If we apply the words "little Dicky" to Steele, we deprive a very lively and ingenious passage, not only of all its wit, but of all its meaning. Little Dicky was the nickname of Henry Norris, an actor of remarkably small stature, but of great humour, who played the usurer Gomez, then a most popular part, in Dryden's Spanish Friar.* We will transcribe the whole paragraph. How it can ever have been misunderstood is unintelligible to us. "But our author's chief concern is for the poor House of Commons, whom he represents as naked and defenceless, when the Crown, by losing this prerogative, would be less able to protect them against the power of a House of Lords. Who forbears laughing when the Spanish Friar represents little Dicky, under the person of Gomez, insulting the Colonel that was able to fright him out of his wits with a single frown? This Gomez, says he, flew upon him like a dragon, got him down, the Devil being strong in him, and gave him bastinado on bastinado, and buffet on buffet, which the poor Colonel, being prostrate, suffered with a most Christian patience. The improbability of the fact never fails to raise mirth in the audience; and one may venture to answer for a British House of Commons, if we may guess, from its conduct hitherto, that it will scarce be either so tame or so weak as our author suppos8A," The merited reproof which Steele had received, though softened by some kind and courteous expressions, galled him bitterly. He replied with little force and great acrimony; but no rejoinder appeared. Addison was fast hastening to his grave; and had, we may well suppose, little disposition to prosecute a quarrel with an old friend. His complaint had terminated in dropsy. He bore up long and manfully. But at length he abandoned all hope, dismissed his physicians, and calmly prepared himself to die. His works he intrusted to the care of Tickell, and edicated them a very few days before his death to Craggs, in a letter written with the sweet and graceful eloquence of a Saturday's Spectator. In this, his last composition, he alluded to his approaching end in words so manly, so cheerful, and so tender, that it is difficult to read them without tears. At the same time he earnestly recommended the interests of Tickell to the care of Craggs. Within a few hours of the time at which this dedication was written, Addison sent to beg Gay, who was then living by his wits about town, to come to Holland House. Gay went, and was received with great kindness. To his amazement his forgiveness was implored by the dying man. Poor Gay, the most good-natured and simple of mankind, could not imagine what he had to forgive. There was, however, some wrong, the remembrance of which weighed on Addison's mind, and which he declared himself anxious to repair. He was in a state of extreme exhaustion; and the parting was doubtless a friendly one on both sides. Gay supposed that some plan to serve him had been in agitation at Court, and had been frustrated by Addison's influence. Nor is this improbable. Gay had paid assiduous court to the royal family. But in the Queen's days he had been the eulogist of Bolingbroke, and was still connected with many Tories. It is not strange that Addison, while heated by conflict, should have thought himself justified in obstructing the preferment of one whom he might regard as a political enemy. Neither is it He strange that, when reviewing his whole | he ascribed all the happiness of his life, and earnestly scrutinizing all his life, he relied in the hour of death with motives, he should think that he had the love which casteth out fear. acted an unkind and ungenerous part, in using his power against a distressed man of letters, who was as harmless and as helpless as a child. One inference may be drawn from this anecdote. It appears that Addison, on his death-bed, called himself to a strict account, and was not at ease till he had asked pardon for an injury which it was not even suspected that he had committed, for an injury which would have caused disquiet only to a very tender conscience. Is it not then reasonable to infer that, if he had really been guilty of forming a base conspiracy against the fame and fortunes of a rival, he would have expressed some remorse for so serious a crime? But it is unnecessary to multiply arguments and evidence for the defence, when there is neither argument nor evidence for the accusation. died on the seventeenth of June 1719. He had just entered on his forty-eighth year. His body lay in state in the Jerusalem Chamber, and was borne thence to the Abbey at dead of night. The choir sang a funeral hymn. Bishop Atterbury, one of those Tories who had loved and honoured the most accomplished of the Whigs, met the corpse, and led the procession by torchlight, round the shrine of Saint Edward and the graves of the Plantagenets, to the Chapel of Henry the Seventh. On the north side of that Chapel, in the vault of the House of Albemarle, the coffin of Addison lies next to the coffin of Montague. Yet a few months; and the same mourners passed again along the same aisle. The same sad anthem was again chanted. The same vault was again opened; and the coffin of Craggs was placed close to the coffin of Addison. Many tributes were paid to the memory of Addison; but one alone is now remembered. Tickell bewailed The last moments of Addison were perfectly serene. His interview with his son-in-law is universally known. "See," he said, "how a Christian can die." The piety of Addison was, in truth, of a singularly cheerful charac- his friend in an elegy which would do ter. The feeling which predominates honour to the greatest name in our in all his devotional writings, is grati-literature, and which unites the energy tude. God was to him the allwise and and magnificence of Dryden to the allpowerful friend who had watched tenderness and purity of Cowper. This over his cradle with more than mater-fine poem was prefixed to a superb nal tenderness; who had listened to edition of Addison's works, which was his cries before they could form them- published, in 1721, by subscription. selves in prayer; who had preserved The names of the subscribers proved his youth from the snares of vice; who how widely his fame had been spread. had made his cup run over with worldly That his countrymen should be eager blessings; who had doubled the value to possess his writings, even in a costly of those blessings, by bestowing a form, is not wonderful. But it is wonthankful heart to enjoy them, and dear derful that, though English literature friends to partake them; who had re- was then little studied on the contibuked the waves of the Ligurian gulf, nent, Spanish Grandees, Italian Prehad purified the autumnal air of the lates, Marshals of France, should be Campagna, and had restrained the found in the list. Among the most avalanches of Mont Cenis. Of the remarkable names are those of the Psalms, his favourite was that which represents the Ruler of all things under the endearing image of a shepherd, whose crook guides the flock safe, through gloomy and desolate glens, to meadows well watered and rich with herbage. On that goodness to which Queen of Sweden, of Prince Eugene, of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, of the Dukes of Parma, Modena, and Guastalla, of the Doge of Genoa, of the Regent Orleans, and of Cardinal Dubois. We ought to add that this edition, though eminently beautiful, is in some important points defective; nor, | materials which were within our reach indeed, do we yet possess a complete in 1834 were scanty and unsatisfactory when compared with those which we collection of Addison's writings. It is strange that neither his opulent at present possess. Even now, though and noble widow, nor any of his power- we have had access to some valuable ful and attached friends, should have sources of information which have not thought of placing even a simple tablet, yet been opened to the public, we cannot inscribed with his name, on the walls but feel that the history of the first ten of the Abbey. It was not till three years of the reign of George the Third generations had laughed and wept is but imperfectly known to us. Neverover his pages that the omission was theless, we are inclined to think that supplied by the public veneration. At we are in a condition to lay before our length, in our own time, his image, readers a narrative neither uninstrucskilfully graven, appeared in Poet's tive nor uninteresting. We therefore Corner. It represents him, as we can return with pleasure to our long interconceive him, clad in his dressing-rupted labour. gown, and freed from his wig, stepping from his parlour at Chelsea into his trim little garden, with the account of the Everlasting Club, or the Loves of Hilpa and Shalum, just finished for the next day's Spectator, in his hand. Such a mark of national respect was due to the unsullied statesman, to the accomplished scholar, to the master of pure English eloquence, to the consummate painter of life and manners. It was due, above all, to the great satirist, who alone knew how to use ridicule without abusing it, who, without inflicting a wound, effected a great social reform, and who reconciled wit and virtue, after a long and disastrous separation, during which wit had been led astray by profligacy, and virtue by fanaticism. THE EARL OF CHATHAM. (OCTOBER, 1844.) 1. Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of 2. Letters of Horace Walpole, Earl of Or- We left Pitt in the zenith of prosperity and glory, the idol of England, the terror of France, the admiration of the whole civilized world. The wind, from whatever quarter it blew, carried to England tidings of battles won, fortresses taken, provinces added to the empire. At home, factions had sunk into a lethargy, such as had never been known since the great religious schism of the sixteenth century had roused the public mind from repose. In order that the events which we have to relate may be clearly understood, it may be desirable that we should advert to the causes which had for a time suspended the animation of both the great English parties. One If, rejecting all that is merely accidental, we look at the essential characteristics of the Whig and the Tory, we may consider each of them as the representative of a great principle, esIsential to the welfare of nations. is, in an especial manner, the guardian of liberty, and the other of order. One One is is the moving power, and the other the steadying power of the state. the sail, without which society would make no progress; the other the ballast, without which there would be small But, during the safety in a tempest. forty-six years which followed the accession of the House of Hanover, these distinctive peculiarities seemed to be effaced. The Whig conceived that he could not better serve the cause of civil and religious freedom than by strenuously supporting the Protestant dynasty. The Tory conceived that he could not better prove his hatred of first to the man in the mask, and then revolutions than by attacking a govern- to the man who would do it without a ment to which a revolution had given birth. Both came by degrees to attach more importance to the means than to the end. Both were thrown into unnatural situations; and both, like animals transported to an uncongenial climate, languished and degenerated. The Tory, removed from the sunshine of the court, was as a camel in the snows of Lapland. The Whig, basking in the rays of royal favour, was as a reindeer in the sands of Arabia. mask. The Tory, on the other hand, while he reviled the mild and temperate Walpole as a deadly enemy of liberty, could see nothing to reprobate in the iron tyranny of Strafford and Laud But, whatever judgment the Whig or the Tory of that age might pronounce on transactions long past, there can be no doubt that, as respected the practical questions then pending, the Tory was a reformer, and indeed an intemperate and indiscreet reformer, while the Whig was conservative even to bi effects produced in a neighbouring country by similar causes. Who would have believed, fifteen years ago, that M. Guizot and M. Villemain would have to defend property and social order against the attacks of such enemics as M. Genoude and M. de La Roche Jaquelin? Dante tells us that he saw, in Male-gotry. We have ourselves seen similar bolge, a strange encounter between a human form and a serpent. The enemies, after cruel wounds inflicted, stood for a time glaring on each other. A great cloud surrounded them, and then a wonderful metamorphosis began. Each creature was transfigured into the likeness o. its antagonist. The serpent's tail divided itself into two legs; the man's legs intertwined themselves into a tail. The body of the serpent put forth arms; the arms of the man shrank into his body. At length the serpent stood up a man, and spake; the man sank down a serpent, and glided hissing away. Something like this was the transformation which, during the reign of George the First, befell the two English parties. Each gradually took the shape and colour of its foe, till at length the Tory rose up erect the zealot of freedom, and the Whig crawled and licked the dust at the feet of power. It is true that, when these degenerate politicians discussed questions merely speculative, and, above all, when they discussed questions relating to the conduct of their own grandfathers, they still seemed to differ as their grandfathers had differed. The Whig, who, during three Parliaments, had never given one vote against the court, and who was ready to sell his soul for the Comptroller's staff or for the Great Wardrobe, still professed to draw his political doctrines from Locke and Milton, still worshipped the memory of Pym and Hampden, and would still, on the thirtieth of January, take his glass, Thus the successors of the old Cavaliers had turned demagogues; the successors of the old Roundheads had turned courtiers. Yet was it long before their mutual animosity began to abate; for it is the nature of parties to retain their original enmities far more firmly than their original principles. During many years, a generation of Whigs, whom Sidney would have spurned as slaves, continued to wage deadly war with a generation of Tories whom Jeffreys would have hanged for republicans. Through the whole reign of George the First, and through nearly half of the reign of George the Second, a Tory was regarded as an enemy of the reigning house, and was excluded from all the favours of the crown. Though most of the country gentlemen were Torics, none but Whigs were created peers and baronets. Though most of the clergy were Tories, none but Whigs were appointed deans and bishops. In every county, opulent and well descended Tory squires complained that their names were left out of the commission of the peace, while men of small estate and mean birth, who were for toleration and excise, septennial parliaments and standing armies, presided |