terminations. Thus we have for 1 sing. in addition to होऊं; 2 and 3 sing. are written होए, होय, होवे, and हो; 1 and 3 pl. होएं, होंय, होवें, हों; 2 pl. हो as well as होओ, which makes it identical with the same person in the aorist of as.

Dialectically the chief peculiarity, which, like most dialectic forms, is merely an archaism preserved to modern times, consists in the hardening of the final o of ho into v. This is observable in the Rajputana dialects, and partially also in that of Riwâ (Kellogg, p. 233).

This peculiarity is more marked in the simple future noted below. It also occurs in M., where the aorist, as shown above, when used as a past habitual=“I used to be," takes the terminations of the active verb; but when used as a simple present, those of the neuter, as—

Sing. 1. होय 2. होस 3. होय.

Pl. 1. हों 2. हां 3. होत.

The same combination occurs throughout this tense when used negatively="I am not," as—

Sing. 1.

Pl.

2. नद्वेस 3. नई.

1. नहीं 2. नहां 3. AKA (IKA).

and in other parts of the verb affirmative and negative.

In Sindhi this root is throughout shortened to hu, and when the vowel is lengthened by the influence of affixes, it becomes hú, rarely ho, except in poetry, where 3 sing. is met instead of हुए. The j, which in some forms of Prakrit is inserted between the stem and its termination, appears here also, as— Sing. 1. हुजां 2. हुजें 3. हुजे. Pl. 1. हुर्जू 2. हुजो 3. हुजनि. Oriya sometimes shortens o to u, but in that language the distinction in pronunciation between these two vowels is so

slight that in writing also the people often confuse the two. In a great part of this verb, however, the o is changed to a very short e. This is generally, but not always, due to a following i, where, from the shortness and indistinctness of the o-sound, oi=a+i=ai= e. Thus 2 sing. is in full, though generally pronounced ho. In Bengali the o is generally written a, that vowel having in B. usually the sound of short, harsh o, like the o in English not, rock, etc. Thus it comes to pass that and may be regarded, either as shortened from हय हन

and respectively, and thus derivable from ho, or as equivalents of H. and, and so to be referred to as. In practice, certainly, the meaning in which they are used favours the latter hypothesis.

The imperative in H. is the same as the aorist, except 2 sing., which is simply "be thou." In the Rajput dialects the

2 sing. is, 2 pl.

3 sing. in fa

; the former occurs also in Chand as a adì & fafa faf "All speaking, said,

सब है ॥

'May there be success, success!"" (i. 178) The Riwa dialect has 1, like the present.

2 sing. 1, 2 pl.

P. 2 sing. हो, 2 pl. होवो. S. has 2 sing. हो and होउ, 2 pl. and . G. for 2 sing. and 2 pl. both.

The respectful form of the imperative follows that of the other verbs in the various languages.

making होजिये “ be pleased to be,” G. होजे .

H. here inserts,

Nepali has somewhat abnormally 2 sing. ¤, 2 pl. A.

The simple future in G. is formed according to the usual

rule; but here again we meet the tendency so common in B. and O., to express the o sound by a, so that side by side with the regular forms होईश, होशे, etc., we have also sing. 1. हर्द्दश, 2. हशे, 3. हशे ; pl. 1. हईशुं, 2. हशो, 3. हशे, which we must apparently pronounce hoish, hoshe, etc.

The simple future in old and rustic Hindi is regularly formed, as "I shall become," etc.; but in this tense the employment of the type is very common, both in the poets and among the peasantry of the western area. Thus

SINGULAR.

Braj. 1. हैहीं 2. हेहे 3. है है .

West Rajp. 1. हेहूं 2. हेही 3. हेही.

PLURAL.

1. हैं हैं 2. हैहौ 3. है हैं .

1. हेहां 2. हेहो 3. हेही.

We have also the curious transitional form of East Rajputana which approaches so closely to G.—

Sing. 1. स्यूं, सूं

2. ईसी

3. हेसी .

2. हेस्यो, हेसो

3. हेसो .

Pl. 1. Zat, Zat Further details of these dialectic forms will be found in Kellogg's admirable grammar. When the wilder parts of the country, at present little known to Europeans, shall have been more fully explored, we may expect to obtain many finer gradations of transition; for all over India the Gujarati proverb holds true, "Every twelve kos language changes, as the leaves change on the trees."

The Braj form is interesting to students from the fact of this dialect having become at an early date the traditional literary vehicle of the Krishna-cultus, and thus to a certain extent a cultivated classical language. Its forms, however, are found in Chand long before the revival of Vaishnavism. He uses the full form होइहै, a shortened form होहि, and the Braj है है . Also occasionally in a future sense, which is probably a form of the 3 sing. aorist for (a). Examples are gìcê fan dug | "His race shall become extinct" (Pr.-R. iii.

।

29), होहि जदवनि सपूतह ॥ “ The Jadavani shall be with child ” (i. 249), दिवस पंच के अंतरे । होइ सु दिल्ली पति ॥ “ In the space of five days, he shall become lord of Dilli” (iii. 411), ¶ 7 Ŵc "There has not been, and there shall not be, any

(like him)" (i. 331).

To Tulsi Das, Kabir, Bihari Lal, and all the medieval poets हो, होइहि, होहि, and होई are the forms of the ordinary regular future; is very rarely met in their pages, if at all. Instances are, भये जे अहहिं जे होइहें आगे । “ They who have been, are, and shall be hereafter" (Tulsi, Ram. Bal-K. 30), gefe TÊÌ HAIT FI | "Now this good fortune will be (will happen)" (ib. 82), अब तें रति तव नाथ कर होइहि नाम अनङ्ग । “ Henceforth, Rati, the name of thy lord shall be Ananga" (ib. 96). The form

does not appear to be used by Tulsi Das, though in Bihari Lal the participle is common; this latter poet's subject does not give much occasion for the use of the future. FÍT JA न होइहै ताको “ There shall not again be birth to him (he shall escape the pain of a second birth)" (Kabir, Ram. 57). In the majority of the poets the forms hvai and hoi seem to be regarded as virtually the same, and they use indifferently the one or the other as it suits their metre. There is unfortunately as yet no critically prepared or corrected edition of the texts of any of them, and owing to the mistaken policy of the Government, by which artificial works written to order have been prescribed as examination tests, the genuine native authors have been entirely neglected.

8 67. The participial tenses are formed as in the ordinary verb. The present participle is in Old-H., as in Chand gua Bản faqf "Laughing being prevented" (Pr.-R. i. 6). In modern H. the classical form is होता m., होती /, Braj होतु ; and in most of the rustic dialects simply indeclinable. In the Rajputana dialects the form is found. The other languages have P. 1, S. I, G. gìat, M. gìa, gìat,

होतांना, 0. हेउ, B. होइते, though really the locative of a present participle is used as an infinitive.

The past participle is in H. one of the old Tadbhava class mentioned in §§ 46, 47, and as such takes its type from Skr. भूत, H.. The vowel of the stem is in the present day commonly pronounced short, and this practice is not uncommon in the poets. P. होइआ, S. हुओ, G. होओ, होयो, होयलो.

M. has a strange participle, which may be explained as phonetically resulting from an older form, shortened from. I can trace nothing similar in any of the cognate languages, though the change from to is perfectly regular. In the poets a form जाला is found, and even जाहाला. These types have led some writers to regard this participle as derived from the root या. This, however, is very doubtful. Tukaram always uses जा°, as आजि पुरले नवस । धन्य जाला हा "To-day our vows are heard, blessed has become (is) this day" (Abh. 508).

0. होइ, हेला, B. होइल, हद्दल.

The future participle is in M. हावा, 0. हेब, B. हद्दब, contracted to

(hõbŏ).

These participles serve as tenses, either with or without the remains of the old substantive verb, just as in the regular verb, and need not be more particularly illustrated.

One point, however, deserves a passing notice. The present participle in M. forms with the aid of the substantive verb as a regular present, as 3 sing. at m. gtát ƒ. gì n. But the slightly different form of this tense, which in the ordinary verb (§ 42) expresses the conditional present, is in the case of ho employed as an imperfect. Thus, while the form just given, hoto, etc., means "he becomes," the conditional form hotâ, etc., means "he was." This usage is analogous to that of the G. hato, etc., mentioned in § 59, and agrees with a form of preterite used in Braj Hindi, sing. m., at f. etc. It has been