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genuine effusion of his majesty's paternal care and tenderness for his subjects. It was what good subjects deserved from a good king, and every man would rejoice in and bless the day when his majesty, restored to the dignified independence of his elevated situation, was able to speak to his people in the language of his own heart; to participate in their sufferings; to praise and reward them for their fortitude. It was the best of messages to the best of people from the best of kings. This was the true style in which a British king should speak to a British people; for by such language and conduct it was, that the blessings of union would be restored among us, and that foreign nations would admire and envy the constitution of a nation where the interests of the king and people were so happily interwoven; and where suffering, as well as enjoyment, was reciprocal. It was by this conduct that a British king would acquire more true splendour, and more substantial power, than by the preservation of places, which added to the dangerous influence, but not to the solid strength of the government. Those establishments and places to which his majesty evidently pointed in his most royal message, were subversive of his true power; for, by the maintenance of these, the service, which was ultimately to support or aggrandize his state, was impoverished. By the taking from the inconvenient and useless offices, they would be able to add to the advantageous and serviceable; and indeed this was the best method of ascertaining and securing an establishment more honourable, and also more firm than any other; for when all other resources have failed, what must be his majesty's best and last resource, but the love, reverence, and support of his people? It was the foundation on which all solid dignity could be built; and it must endear and bind the hearts of the British people to his majesty, to see him thus, with condescending benevolence, and with gracious feeling, giving them all, and more than they would ask. He could not avoid giving joy to his country on the happy æra which seemed now to be rising, when power was to be established

on the basis of economy, and when his majesty wished, chose, and desired to depend upon an independent Commons' House of Parliament, for the support of his person and family. Thus it was to give free exercise to the feelings of the royal breast. Thus it was to open the passage between the bounty of the sovereign and the necessities of the people. He could not help taking to himself some compliment upon this occasion; and rejoicing that he should have been fortunate enough to recommend the very mode of national relief which his majesty now graciously proposed. He had the sincere confidence that now, when the king so generously came forward, and made the proposal to parliament to establish a system of public economy, the House would unanimously agree with him in an address of thanks, and in their assurances that they would cooperate with his majesty in the gracious intention of reducing places that were extravagant and useless. He therefore would move the House,

“That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to express to his majesty, that his truly paternal regard for the welfare of his people meets a just return in the gratitude produced in the breasts of his faithful Commons, by his majesty's most gracious Message to this House.

"To assure his majesty, that his favourable acceptance of the zeal and fidelity of his subjects, manifested through the whole course of this arduous war, will animate them to the utmost exertions for the glory and happiness of a prince who sets a just value on the services, and is touched with an affectionate sympathy in the sufferings of his people.

"That his faithful Commons, deeply affected with his majesty's noble and generous procedure, and encouraged by a recommendation at once glorious to his majesty, and perfectly consonant to our desires and duties, will, as soon as his majesty shall be pleased to communicate more particularly the reformations and regulations he is pleased to adopt, apply ourselves with all speed and diligence, to give a full effect to his majesty's most gracious intentions.

"That his faithful Commons consider the unreserved

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CONTRACTORS' BILL.

353 ice of faction; the voice of the day. Such popularity * worth courting. His lordship concluded by moving dment, that instead of the words, "shall be disqualitting or voting in parliament from the end of the n," the clause should run thus, " from the end arliament."

osed the amendment. The noble lord, ished two kinds of voices in the nation; rate, resulting from judgment; the ir distresses the former might be >m judges and magistrates; but it never had been heard; the It; it was pinching distress s; and to a voice so exI always listen, as to the supposed by the noble lividuals, it did not ther to retain their their professional trade, and supplycould be called injustice

e public, for parliament to

s, when they were found to be

cared to be nearly the case at present;

by many, that a good member of parlia

ot be a contractor. This being stated, he form the House, that they were treading in the Leps of their ancestors, whose uniform and invariable ule it was to disqualify persons from sitting in that House, who were in such a predicament that they could not be supposed to be otherwise than under improper influence. He then desired that the clerk might read clauses of three acts passed, two in the 5th of William and Mary, and one in the 11th and 12th of William.

The amendment was rejected without a division,

VOL. II,

A A

confidence which his majesty reposes in this House, as a full compensation for their earnest and dutiful endeavours to deserve that invaluable testimony of his royal favour, a confidence by which his majesty will reign in the hearts of his people, and in which he never can be deceived with regard to his crown, his person, and his family: a king of Great Britain cannot have so perfect or so honourable a security for every thing which can make a king truly great and truly happy, as in the genuine and natural support of an uninfluenced and independent House of Commons."

The Address was seconded by Mr. Powys, supported by Mr. Secretary Fox, and agreed to nem. con.

CONTRACTORS' BILL.

April 12.

THE HE House being this day in a committee on the bill" for restraining any person, being a member of the House of Commons, from being concerned himself, or any person in trust for him, in any contract made by the commissioners of his majesty's treasury, the commissioners of the navy, the board of ordnance, or by any other person or persons for the public. service, unless the said contract shall be made at a public bidding," Lord Nugent opposed the clause by which contractors, being members of that House, should be incapacitated from sitting and voting in it, after the end of the present session of parliament. He said, that popularity was a thing that men in general ran after, and when well earned, was, no doubt, a most agreeable thing, but popularity sometimes attended measures which the people at large did not really approve; the temperate, calm, and steady voice of the people, resulting from judgment, was truly the voice of God; but the voice of people groaning under the weight of taxes, and speaking under the burthen, was not the voice of God or of the people; it was

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