gentleman would be incomplete, if they did not resolve to support their own ministers with zeal and perseverance. The necessity of this advice made him earnest in giving it, and he hoped in God now to see an administration formed not only of independence, but of solid, substantial, and permanent power. He hoped in God that we should now have an opportunity of perceiving how much more beneficial to a country, as well as honourable, a government of virtue was to a government of corruption. How much more likely it was to give us union, action, and zeal at home — to give us eminence and respect abroad. He was convinced that with such a government, we might yet entertain well-founded hopes of raising this country again upon its legs; we might at least procure time to breathe, to collect our strength, to combine our resources into one great and profitable fund, by which we might be able to direct our efforts with success against our enemies. He concluded with warning gentlemen again not to indulge the joy which was but too natural on such a deliverance; not to feast their minds with the idea that all was finished because it was begun. It was a moment for the most serious temper, because there was necessity for the most serious action.

General Conway said he agreed perfectly in every thing said by Mr. Burke excepting one, and that was, what he had said relative to the necessity ministers were under of resorting to corruption for support, when they could no longer get it from the independent members of that House. He hoped he misunderstood the honourable member; for he should be unhappy, indeed, if any thing bordering upon an excuse for corruption, should fall from a gentleman for whom he had an esteem, perhaps superior to any he felt for any man; and he should be still more unhappy at hearing it fall from the lips of a man, who most likely would be one of those ministers to whom the country looked up for its salvation. For his own part, he did not think that resorting to corruption, in any one case, even for the good of the state, could be justifiable; for he held, that if ministers could not carry their measures through by honest means, it was their duty to resign. He protested before heaven, that with all

the detestation which he had for the infamous system which was now abolished; and with all the resentment which he entertained against those wretched ministers who were now discharged; he would rather see that system renewed with those ministers at its head, than that a more insidious, because a more plausible government should be set up under the sanction of names more elevated, upon the same principle. Against such a government there would be no safeguard, the good would be deluded, the base would be employed, and the nation would be ruined.

Mr. BURKE lamented that any thing which had fallen from him should have given his right honourable friend an idea that it was possible for him to countenance corruption even for a moment. He flattered himself, that the whole course of his conduct was a continued proof that he reprobated corruption in every point of view; and that, therefore, he could not mean to become an advocate for it in that House. He had meant no more than this in what he had said, that ministers, not finding sufficient support from the independent interest, resorted for it to corruption; and that in such case ministers were less to blame than those members who suffered them to do it. If he appeared in this to take any blame from ministers, it was only to heap the more en those who, through indolence or inactivity, should withhold their support from measures which they approved. All that he had in view in what he had said was to warn men against the danger of inattention; and to shew them the possibility that in some future moment, it might be imputed to them by ministers that their neglect had forced them to what they otherwise would have rejected to corruption; and that perhaps a minister might charge them with at least a part of the guilt. He begged it to be remembered, that he had not talked at all as if a system of corruption was likely to be adverted to; what

"Flectere si nequeo superos, Acheronta movebo!"

No! he never meant to say, that if an administration could not govern by virtue and integrity, it ought to resort to

influence and corruption. He never meant to insinuate his approbation of such conduct. He was clearly of another mind; and thought with his right honourable friend, that a minister ought to resign his seat rather than resort to base and unworthy means. He had never supported but one administration in that House, and no member he believed would accuse that administration of governing by corruption. He said his right honourable friend had talked as if he was likely to become a minister. God knew, Mr. Burke said, he had no such views, nor had he a right to have any such. The thing was not within probability; his right honourable friend was himself infinitely more likely to become a minister than he was. He was neither a man who had pretensions to it from rank in the country, or from fortune, nor who aspired to it from ambition. He was not a man so foolishly vain, or so blindly ignorant of his own state and condition, as to indulge for a moment the idea of his becoming a minister: his right honourable friend, whose rank and pretensions naturally pointed to that elevation, had undoubtedly a right to look forward to it; and no man deserved it more. It must give pleasure and joy then to the House, to hear the language which he had just delivered; and the abhorrence which he had expressed of that wicked and ruinous system, which, after a struggle of so many years, they had at last abolished, would be a pledge to the House, that when that right honourable person should become a minister, the House and the nation would have no reason to apprehend that that system would be renewed.

The House, on the motion of Lord North, adjourned to the 23d instant. *

* During the adjournment, a New Administration was formed under the auspices of the Marquis of Rockingham. The new cabinet was thus composed:

First Lord of the Treasury-Marquis of Rockingham.

Principal Secretaries of State (The third Secretaryship abolished) — Earl of Shelburne, Hon. Charles James Fox.

THE KING'S MESSAGE, RECOMMENDING AN EFFECTUAL PLAN OF ECONOMY.

April 15.

THIS day, Mr. Secretary Fox presented the following Message from the King:

"GEORGE R.

"His majesty, taking into consideration the supplies which have been given with so much liberality, and supported with

Chancellor of the Exchequer - Lord John Cavendish.

First Lord of the Admiralty - Admiral Keppel (created a Viscount). Lord Privy Seal - Duke of Grafton.

President of the Council - Lord Camden.

Master-General of the Ordnance-Duke of Richmond.

To continue Chancellor - Lord Thurlow.

Commander-in-Chief of the Forces - General Conway.

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and created Baron Ashburton · John Dunning, Esq.

Besides the above, which composed the Cabinet, the following arrangements took place:

Lord Chamberlain — Duke of Manchester.
Vice-Chamberlain - Viscount Chewton.

Groom of the Stole - Viscount Weymouth.

Master of the Buck Hounds-Earl of Jersey.

Lord Steward of the Household-Earl of Carlisle.

Lord of the Bedchamber-Lord Rivers.

Treasurer of the Household-Earl of Effingham.

Comptroller of ditto - Earl of Ludlow.

Captain of the Band of Gentlemen Pensioners-Lord de Ferrars. Lords of the Treasury-Lord Viscount Althorpe, James Grenville, Esq., Frederick Montagu, Esq.

Lord Commissioners of the Admiralty-Sir Robert Harland, Bart., Hugh Pigot, Esq., Lord Duncannon, Hon. John Townshend, C. Brett, Esq., R. Hopkins, Esq.

Under Secretaries of State - Richard Brindsley Sheridan, Esq., Thomas Orde, Esq.

such uncommon firmness and fortitude by his people in the present extensive war, recommends to his faithful Commons the consideration of an effectual plan of economy through all the branches of the public expenditure; towards which important object his majesty has taken into his actual consideration, a reform and regulation in his civil establishment, which he will shortly cause to be laid before this House, desiring their assistance towards carrying the same more fully into execution. His majesty has no reserves with his people; on whose affections he rests with a sure reliance, as the best support of the true honour and dignity of his crown and government; and as they have hitherto been his best resource upon every emergency, so he regards them as the most solid and stable security for an honourable provision for his person and family."

As soon as the message had been read,

Mr. BURKE rose, and in a short and elegant speech, congratulated the House and the kingdom on the happy æra when his majesty, freed from that secret and injurious counsel which stood between him and his people, now spoke to them in the pure and rich benevolence of his own heart. The Message which they had just heard, was the

Secretary at War - Hon. Thomas Townshend.

Treasurer of the Navy-Right Hon. Isaac Barré.

Paymaster-General of the Forces - Edmund Burke, Esq.

Joint Postmaster-General - Earl of Tankerville, Right Hon. H. F,

Carteret.

Vice-Admiral of Scotland - Lord William Gordon.

Lieutenant General of the Ordnance-Sir William Howe.

Surveyor General of ditto - Hon. Thomas Pelham.

To command the grand fleet-Lord Howe (created a Viscount).

Created Lord Grantley - Sir Fletcher Norton.

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland- Duke of Portland.

Joint Vice-Treasurers of Ireland-Earl of Scarborough, Sir George Yonge, Bart.

Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzpatrick.

Commander-in-Chief of the Forces in Ireland — Lieutenant-General

Burgoyne.