The part of the sentence of the court-martial which tried Admiral Keppel, had been declared extrajudicial. That was not the question before the House. Had not the court or courts, perfectly competent to pronounce such an opinion, declared the charge to be malicious and ill-founded? Could any man deny that the court had declared so? Would any man avow that the honour and veracity of the court was in any degree questionable? What, then, was the amount of the declaration, that the sentence of Admiral Kerpel's court-martial, inasmuch as it censured vice-admiral Sir Hugh Palliser, was not only extrajudicial and unwarrantable, but a libel? And here he wished the House to consider that libels derived their power of virulence, of venom, and of effect, in proportion to the degree of weight with which they were committed to circulation; a parliamentary libel must necessarily be the worst of all libels; that House, therefore, ought to pause at the threshold, to consider where they were going, and to consult their reason, whether it was consistent with their dignity, agrecable to truth, or wise in itself, to adopt the libel suggested against Admiral Keppel's court-martial, and give it their coun

tenance.

He next went into a consideration of the arguments held by Commodore Johnstone. He particularly defended Admiral Keppel for having forgiven the vice-admiral at first, and for having acted consistently with that forgiveness afterwards. He said, that Admiral Keppel could not do otherwise than sail a second time with the vice-admiral of the blue, after he had once made up his mind to the for giving and overlooking his misconduct on the 27th of July, a day which he was ready to acknowledge, was not a day of triumph to this country; but then the question naturally arose, to whom was it ascribable, that it had not been a day of triumph and a day of glory? The fault must lay either at the door of his dear and honourable friend Admiral Keppel, or at the door of the vice-admiral. Where were the injured people of England to look for evidence and conviction of the fact, but to the sentences of the two

courts-martial? Sentences delivered on oath by men of high honour, unimpeachable integrity, and undoubted knowledge of the subject. What said the court-martial that tried Admiral Keppel? Had they not acquitted him honourably and unanimously, and declared the charge malicious and ill-founded? Did the court-martial that tried the vice-admiral acquit him honourably and unanimously? No. They pronounced a very different judgment; they expressly condemned him, and declared him guilty of misconduct. The people of England therefore must see where the blame was due.

Mr. Burke ridiculed Commodore Johnstone's assertion, that if his father, his brother, his son, or his dearest friend, was guilty of misconduct or neglect of duty, he would punish him agreeably to the laws of the service. This was fine theory and good doctrine in speculation; it sounded well, but it signified nothing; every man's heart must tell him that it was not in human nature to carry such theory rigidly into practice. A thousand reasons would naturally suggest themselves, every one of them tending to the honour of Admiral Keppel, and tending to prove his noble-mindedness and generosity in forgiving Sir Hugh Palliser's first neglect, and in sailing with him a second time: but if no other were to be found, than an expectation that such lenient treatment would operate on a generous mind, so as to produce more care in future, and inspire an anxiousness to expiate past errors by present good conduct; that alone was a reason sufficiently strong to bear out the matter in question. With regard to the public illuminations, he knew as well as the honourable commodore, that the people did not rejoice because the trial proved that the 27th of July was a day of triumph to Great Britain. No: they rejoiced because they saw that a gallant officer, a worthy and an honest man, had escaped from the malice of his accuser; because so respectable, so excellent a public character, was acquitted with honour; and because generosity, sincerity, and virtue had gained a victory over malice, treachery, and meanness! These, and these only,

VOL. II.

Luminations and rejoicings;

was there, whose bosom most exalted rapture on such an with declaring, that the motion his hearty assent.

till two in the morning, when the Amendment proposed by Lord North:

RAF'S BILL FOR THE REGULATION OF THE CIVIL
LIST ESTABLISHMENT.

February 15.

N OTWITHSTANDING the rejection of his Bill of Reform

in the preceding session, Mr. Burke resolved to bring it gorward again in the present. Accordingly, on the 15th of February, in pursuance of this determination,

Mr. BURKE rose, and previous to his entering on the subject of his intended motion, moved "That the entries in the Journal of the 6th of April, 1780, be read." They accordingly were read as follows: "Resolved, that it is necessary to declare, that the influence of the crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished:" and also "That it is competent to this House to examine into, and to correct abuses in the expenditure of the civil-list revenues, as well as in every other branch of the public revenue, whenever it shall appear expedient to the wisdom of this House so to do:" and also "That it is the duty of this House, to provide, as far as may be, an immediate and effectual redress of the abuses complained of in the peti tions presented to this House from the different counties, cities, and towns, of this kingdom."

This being done, he proceeded to state to the House his occasion for renewing this important business. These resolutions, which had been made in the last session of the last parliament, he considered as a valuable legacy bequeathed to the public, and an atonement for the criminal servility which had marked and stigmatized their previous conduct. Even in their present form they were something more than declaratory; they' formed a title, and a body of maxims authorising the people of this country to expect from their present representatives that which is declared to be necessary by their predecessors. They were incomplete, indeed, in their present form; they wanted specific conclusions to give the effect and benefit which they held out. It remained for the present parliament to accomplish and fulfil what the other had but begun, that the resolutions, which had been read, might not stand upon the Journals public monuments of their disgrace. He had intimated to the House, that on this day he intended to renew the important consideration of this business, and offer to them propositions for carrying into effect the resolutions which had been read. He had chosen that day, as it was appointed for the second call of the House, from the prospect of a full attendance; and he was happy to see that his expectations were not frustrated. He would not on the present occasion trouble them so long, by entering so fully into the merits and practicability of the proposed reform as he did the year before; because he was well convinced, that every part of the House was now in full possession of his ideas on the subject. These resolutions were the result of a long, deliberate, and sober debate, when the House was well attended, and when a spirit pervaded every corner of the place which was friendly to reformation and economy. They did not originate in that House; the spirit came from abroad; they came from the high and towering mountain of public spirit, initiated by suffering, and aroused by necessity. It was that spirit which had piled up heaps of complaints and petitions on their table, and had pointed out to them what was necessary and what was looked for.

In consequence of this burst of public opinion, the House became virtuous and wise; they attended their duty without any influence of grace, or treasury document in their pockets; and adopted the spirit which their constituents had inspired.

On coming into this parliament, therefore, the first thing which had struck him as his duty, was the famous resolutions which had been made in consequence of that spirit; and he had, soon after he came amongst them, given notice of his intention of moving, on that day, for leave to renew the business. This was the with purpose which he rose, and he entertained the confidence of meeting with men, in the new parliament, who would consider it as their duty to go hand in hand with him in carrying into execution the wishes of the people; those wishes which had been delivered in thunder and lightning, and which they now expected to see carried into fruition. It being admitted that a speedy and effectual redress was necessary, there could be no excuse nor apology for not carrying it into execution. The wisdom and power of the present parliament were the foundations on which public confidence could rest. The wisdom and the power were all that could be conceived to be necessary to the accomplishment of this business. The wisdom and the power of parliament were adequate to all the purposes of national security, economical government, and public respect. They would not for a moment believe that parliament wanted integrity to adopt what its wisdom suggested, and its power could execute. They would not believe, that they wanted inclination to satisfy the minds of the people, to attend to their legal petitions, to hear and to enquire into the truth of their complaints, and to grant them the full redress of every actual grievance. They would not give harbour to such a suggestion, until they could reason from experience; and not thinking, therefore, that their representatives wanted integrity, they trusted every thing to their power and their wisdom. The people from every part of the country had declared, that economy and re trenchment were requisite to the existence of the state, and