Gilbert, and in a vein of the richest ridicule, animadverted on each, keeping the committee in a roar almost the whole time he was treating of them. The first articles, he observed, were coronations and great funerals, two articles, which he hoped would give no occasion for the employment of the great wardrobe for many, many years to come. His majesty, he thanked God, had been blessed with a vigorous and healthful constitution; in all probability, therefore, no gentleman present would live to see a coronation. The honourable gentleman had talked a great deal, and very pathetically, on the subject of great funerals; perhaps he foresaw that the clause would pass the committee, and as that would naturally effect the death of the great wardrobe, the honourable gentleman might have in view its funeral procession, in which Lord Pelham and the honourable gentleman would necessarily walk as chief mourners, sight certainly very melancholy to behold, but particularly affecting to the honourable gentleman, and those other officers who made up the solemn shew. Great funerals in general, Mr. Burke said, were great follies; the worst waste of money that could be adopted. Now and then, indeed, when the nation meant to do honour to a deserving character, to whose efforts, while living, it stood highly indebted, they were proper, justifiable, and even necessary. He had seen one such funeral that of the Earl of Chatham -and there, indeed, he must do the great wardrobe the justice to say, that they had rigidly adhered to that virtue, which it was one object of his bill to recommend and enforce the virtue of economy! So economical, and so saving were the great wardrobe on that occasion, that the cloaks were short, scanty, and threadbare, and no scarfs, nor hardly any thing necessary was to be had. Perhaps, indeed, it was intended as a stroke of policy in the great wardrobe, who, knowing that the minority would be the chief attendants on that funeral, and remembering that it was the minority who made so much noise about economy in parliament, were determined to treat them in their own way, and to shew that one public office at least attended

with due deference to their doctrines, and carried their practice of economy even beyond the bounds of decency.

The next article of Mr. Gilbert's list, which he took notice of, was the clothing of the state trumpeters; by these, he said, he presumed the writers for government were meant, who having so far succeeded in their efforts as to render ministry universally unpopular and detestable, certainly ought to be well taken care of and properly clothed. He understood, however, that the noble lord in the blue ribbon, had, in that business, shewn some regard to the public, and by way of saving expence, had contracted to pay the work these writers undertook, by the gross. After going through several other articles, he said; "so much for the work done for the crown, now let us see what is done for the people." Why, the great wardrobe furnishes the House of Commons, and the House of Lords. The proper constitutional furniture of the former, he said, were living figures, such, however, as were sometimes rather costly, and by the price of the purchase not very economically bought. With regard to the seats, it was impossible for him by the feel to ascertain whether they were done by contract, or how, but there need, he thought, be no great expence lavished on them; matted rushes would inspire as patriotic sentiments to the persons who sat upon them, as soft cushions. He presumed, that neither Lord Pelham, nor the honourable gentleman, troubled their heads about them; that if they did any thing that concerned furnishing either House of Parliament it was by stuffing the woolsacks, and other metaphorical seats of the other House. Having for a considerable time excited laughter by his wit, Mr. Burke returned to a serious consideration of the clause, pointing out the great wardrobe and other offices as unnecessary, and therefore as they cost a considerable sum, he said, he thought they might well be spared, and ought to be abolished.

The clause was at length rejected upon a division, by a ma jority of 210 to 162.

The committee then proceeded upon the succeeding clause, for abolishing the board of works. This brought on a new debate, in which Mr. Burke distinguished himself more than ever by the force of his arguments, the fertility of his invention, and the pleasantry with which he enlivened a matter apparently dry and insipid in itself; but the question being at length put, the clause was rejected, upon a division, by a majority of 203 to 118. *

May 18.

THE Committee on the remaining clauses of Mr. Burke's establishment bill being this day resumed, that for abolishing the offices of master of the buck-hounds, fox-hounds, and harriers, was rejected upon a division, by a majority of 75 to 49. The clause for enacting, that the places of lieutenant and ensign, and all other inferior offices belonging to the body of yeomen of the guards, after the determination of these offices in the present possessors, and also, all commission and other offices belonging to the band of gentlemen pensioners, should not be sold, but filled by officers of the army and navy on half pay, and of fifteen years' service; was agreed to. The clause for abolishing the office of paymaster of the pensions, and its dependencies, was rejected on a division, by a majority of 79 to 64. The clause against the private payment of the pensions during pleasure was better attended, and of course rejected by a greater majority; the numbers, upon a division, being 115 to 79. The clause for limiting the secret service money, was rejected without a division. The clause for regulating the order in which payments were to be made to the civil officers of the state, including all the orders of the household, was rejected, upon a division, by a majority of 110 to 58. The

"It was generally agreed, both by members and strangers, that Mr. Burke had not made so agreeable a figure in the House of Commons for many years as on this evening. He evidently came down with his mind made up to the fate of the remaining clauses of his bill, and therefore treated them with all that ready wit, pleasantry, and good humour, which are the real features of his character." Political Magazine, vol. i. p. 473.

with due deference to their doctrines, and carried their practice of economy even beyond the bounds of decency.

The next article of Mr. Gilbert's list, which he took notice of, was the clothing of the state trumpeters; by these, he said, he presumed the writers for government were meant, who having so far succeeded in their efforts as to render ministry universally unpopular and detestable, certainly ought to be well taken care of and properly clothed. He understood, however, that the noble lord in the blue ribbon, had, in that business, shewn some regard to the public, and by way of saving expence, had contracted to pay the work these writers undertook, by the gross. After going through several other articles, he said; "so much for the work done for the crown, now let us see what is done for the people." Why, the great wardrobe furnishes the House of Commons, and the House of Lords. The proper constitutional furniture of the former, he said, were living figures, such, however, as were sometimes rather costly, and by the price of the purchase not very economically bought. With regard to the seats, it was impossible for him by the feel to ascertain whether they were done by contract, or how, but there need, he thought, be no great expence lavished on them; matted rushes would inspire as patriotic sentiments to the persons who sat upon them, as soft cushions. He presumed, that neither Lord Pelham, nor the honourable gentleman, troubled their heads about them; that if they did any thing that concerned furnishing either House of Parliament it was by stuffing the woolsacks, and other metaphorical seats of the other House. Having for a considerable time excited laughter by his wit, Mr. Burke returned to a serious consideration of the clause, pointing out the great wardrobe and other offices as unnecessary, and therefore as they cost a considerable sum, he said, he thought they might well be spared, and ought to be abolished.

The clause was at length rejected upon a division, by a majority of 210 to 162.

The committee then proceeded upon the succeeding clause, for abolishing the board of works. This brought on a new debate, in which Mr. Burke distinguished himself more than ever by the force of his arguments, the fertility of his invention, and the pleasantry with which he enlivened a matter apparently dry and insipid in itself; but the question being at length put, the clause was rejected, upon a division, by a majority of 203

to 118. *

May 18.

THE Committee on the remaining clauses of Mr. Burke's establishment bill being this day resumed, that for abolishing the offices of master of the buck-hounds, fox-hounds, and harriers, was rejected upon a division, by a majority of 75 to 49. The clause for enacting, that the places of lieutenant and ensign, and all other inferior offices belonging to the body of yeomen of the guards, after the determination of these offices in the present possessors, and also, all commission and other offices belonging to the band of gentlemen pensioners, should not be sold, but filled by officers of the army and navy on half pay, and of fifteen years' service; was agreed to. The clause for abolishing the office of paymaster of the pensions, and its dependencies, was rejected on a division, by a majority of 79 to 64. The clause against the private payment of the pensions during pleasure was better attended, and of course rejected by a greater majority; the numbers, upon a division, being 115 to 79. The clause for limiting the secret service money, was rejected without a division. The clause for regulating the order in which payments were to be made to the civil officers of the state, including all the orders of the household, was rejected, upon a division, by a majority of 110 to 58. The

2

"It was generally agreed, both by members and strangers, that Mr. Burke had not made so agreeable a figure in the House of Commons for many years as on this evening. He evidently came down with his mind made up to the fate of the remaining clauses of his bill, and therefore treated them with all that ready wit, pleasantry, and good humour, which are the real features of his character." Political Magazine, vol. i. p.473.