rules of equity and mercy. Where offices may be sup-. pressed, which form the whole maintenance of innocent people, it is hard (and hardship is a kind of injustice) that they who were decoyed into particular situations of life, by our fault, should be made the sacrifice of our penitence. I do not mean to starve such people, because we have been prodigal in our establishments. The removals will fall almost wholly on those who hold offices by a tenure, in which they are liable to be, and frequently are, removed for accommodating the arrangements of administration ; and surely the accommodation of the public, in a great case like this, is full as material a cause for their removal, as the convenience of any administration, or the displeasure of any minister. The third sort of limits are to be found in the service of the state. No one employment really and substantially useful to the public, and which may not very well be otherwise supplied, is to be retrenched; or to be diminished in its lawful and accustomed emoluments. To cut off such service, or such reward, is what, I conceive, neither politic, nor rational in any sense. The fourth of my limits is, that the fund for the reward of service, or merit, is to be left of sufficient solidity for its probable purposes. The fifth, that the crown shall be left an ample and liberal provision for personal satisfaction; and for as much of magnificence, as is suitable with the burthened state of this country: perhaps, some may think what I shall propose to leave to be more than is decent.

I propose the idea with the properties and with the qualifications I have now expressed. However presumptuous my attempt may appear, it is made with an humble and honest intention, and I will spare no pains to digest and ripen it. I trust it will give confidence to the people, and strength to government; that it will make our state of war vigorous, and our state of peace and repose really refreshing and recruiting.

Mr. Fox, Lord John Cavendish, Mr. Dempster, Mr. Gilbert, and Colonel Barré spoke shortly in approbation of the plan.

have communicated it to a very few friends, whose approbation I am strengthened by; and I will communicate it to more, who will make it worthy of being brought into parliament. When it is thus matured, I mean to propose it to the consideration of the House, as soon after the Christmas recess as possible. It will not be advisable at this time to open all the particulars. Projectors see no difficulties; and critics see nothing else, When any new propositions are made, unattended by their explanations, their qualifications, and a full stating of their grounds, they are very liable to be decried; especially where men's interests are concerned in decrying them. But I will venture to state the end and object I aim it, though not the means; I will state, too, the limits I fix to myself in what I shall propose to the House.

I mean a regulation, substantial as far as it goes. It will give to the public service 200,000l. a-year. It will cut off a quantity of influence equal to the places of fifty members of parliament. I rely more on a plan for removing the means of corruption than upon any devices which may be used to prevent its operation, where these means are suffered to exist. Take away the means of influence, and you render disqualifications unnecessary. Leave them, and no disqualifications can ever wholly prevent their operation on parliament.

My plan stands in the way of no other reformation; but on the contrary, it tends exceedingly to forward all rational attempts towards that great end. It certainly cannot make a careless minister an economist; but the best minister will find the use of it; and it will be, no small check on the worst. For its main purpose is to correct the present prodigal constitution of the civil executive government of this kingdom; and unless this be done, I am satisfied no minister whatever can possibly introduce the least economy into the administration of it.

As to my limits: the first is found in the rules of justice, and therefore I do not propose to touch what any private man holds by a legal tenure. The second is in the

Where offices may be sup-.

rules of equity and mercy. Where offices pressed, which form the whole maintenance of innocent people, it is hard (and hardship is a kind of injustice) that they who were decoyed into particular situations of life, by our fault, should be made the sacrifice of our penitence. I do not mean to starve such people, because we have been prodigal in our establishments. The removals will fall almost wholly on those who hold offices by a tenure, in which they are liable to be, and frequently are, removed for accommodating the arrangements of administration; and surely the accommodation of the public, in a great case like this, is full as material a cause for their removal, as the convenience of any administration, or the displeasure of any minister. The third sort of limits are to be found in the service of the state. No one employment really and substantially useful to the public, and which may not very well be otherwise supplied, is to be retrenched; or to be diminished in its lawful and accustomed emoluments. To cut off such service, or such reward, is what, I conceive, neither politic, nor rational in any sense. The fourth of my limits is, that the fund for the reward of service, or merit, is to be left of sufficient solidity for its probable purposes. The fifth, that the crown shall be left an ample and liberal provision for personal satisfaction; and for as much of magnificence, as is suitable with the burthened state of this country: perhaps, some may think what I shall propose to leave to be more than is decent.

I propose the idea with the properties and with the qualifications I have now expressed. However presumptuous my attempt may appear, it is made with an humble and honest intention, and I will spare no pains to digest and ripen it. I trust it will give confidence to the people, and strength to government; that it will make our state of war vigorous, and our state of peace and repose really refreshing and recruiting.

Mr. Fox, Lord John Cavendish, Mr. Dempster, Mr. Gilbert, and Colonel Barré spoke shortly in approbation of the plan.

February 11. 1780.

THIS day, pursuant to the notice he had given before the

recess,

Mr. BURKE rose and addressed the House as follows: Mr. Speaker, I rise, in acquittal of my engagement to the House, in obedience to the strong and just requisition of my constituents, and, I am persuaded, in conformity to the unanimous wishes of the whole nation, to submit to the wisdom of parliament, "A plan of reform in the constitution of several parts of the public economy."

I have endeavoured that this plan should include in its execution a considerable reduction of improper expence; that it should effect a conversion of unprofitable titles into a productive estate; that it should lead to, and indeed almost compel, a provident administration of such sums of public money as must remain under discretionary trusts; that it should render the incurring debts on the civil establishment (which must ultimately affect national strength and national credit) so very difficult, as to become next to impracticable.

But what, I confess, was uppermost with me, what I bent the whole force of my mind to, was the reduction of that corrupt influence, which is itself the perennial spring of all prodigality, and of all disorder; which loads us more than millions of debt; which takes away vigour from our arms, wisdom from our councils, and every shadow of authority and credit from the most venerable parts of our constitution.

Sir, I assure you, very solemnly, and with a very clear conscience, that nothing in the world has led me to such an undertaking, but my zeal for the honour of this House, and the settled, habitual, systematic affection I bear to the cause, and to the principles of government.

I enter perfectly into the nature and consequences of my attempt; and I advance to it with a tremor that shakes me

rules of equity and mercy. Where offices may be sup-. pressed, which form the whole maintenance of innocent people, it is hard (and hardship is a kind of injustice) that they who were decoyed into particular situations of life, by our fault, should be made the sacrifice of our penitence. I do not mean to starve such people, because we have been prodigal in our establishments. The removals will fall almost wholly on those who hold offices by a tenure, in which they are liable to be, and frequently are, removed for accommodating the arrangements of administration; and surely the accommodation of the public, in a great case like this, is full as material a cause for their removal, as the convenience of any administration, or the displeasure of any minister. The third sort of limits are to be found in the service of the state. No one employment really and substantially useful to the public, and which may not very well be otherwise supplied, is to be retrenched; or to be diminished in its lawful and accustomed emoluments. To cut off such service, or such reward, is what, I conceive, The fourth of neither politic, nor rational in any sense. my limits is, that the fund for the reward of service, or merit, is to be left of sufficient solidity for its probable purposes. The fifth, that the crown shall be left an ample and liberal provision for personal satisfaction; and for as much of magnificence, as is suitable with the burthened state of this country: perhaps, some may think what I shall propose to leave to be more than is decent.

I propose the idea with the properties and with the qualifications I have now expressed. However presumptuous my attempt may appear, it is made with an humble and honest intention, and I will spare no pains to digest and ripen it. I trust it will give confidence to the people, and strength to government; that it will make our state of war vigorous, and our state of peace and repose really refreshing and recruiting.

Mr. Fox, Lord John Cavendish, Mr. Dempster, Mr. Gilbert, and Colonel Barré spoke shortly in approbation of the plan.