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be inftructed in the rougher virtues of their ancestors; " for that Roman manlinefs would certainly be destroyed, when once it was thoroughly infected with Greek letters." The ambaffadours were quickly defpatched, but not till after they had left a sufficient stock of philofophical opinions behind them to effect all that Cato had foretold [D].

Now there happened to be two fects of Grecian philofophers, whose opinions seemed particularly calculated to catch the 'attention of the Romans at this period; and which were both eminently adapted to promote the principle of suicide; the one by confequences indifputably flowing from their acknowledged principles; the other by direct and open avowal of its practice. These were the Epicureans and the Stoics. As for the doubting tenets of the new Academy, they were wonderfully adapted at this time to unhinge every thing [E] serious and to prepare the mind for the reception of rank Epicurifm. The pleasurable doctrines of the Epicurean philofophy were well calculated to meet the growing diffolution of Roman virtue; whilft its infidel and atheistical notions with respect to the Gods and futurity, could not but ferve to impress an idea of the indifference and innocence of suicide, and thus widely to diffeminate its practice. When according to the prediction of the elder Cato, the vigour of Roman manners had fuffered a taint by the introduction of rhetorical harangues, and the art of fpeaking well had taken place of the feverer glory of acting well, the rifing generation of Roman youth was naturally more earnest to make a progress in these light and fuperficial ornaments than in the feverer virtues of their ancestors. These were left to the admirers of Stoicifm; while the foft alluring paths of pleasure fuited better with the pursuit of indolence and inactivity.

[D] Græcia capta ferum victorem cepit.Hor.

[E] It is related of Carneades, that during his stay at Rome on occafion of the Athenian embaffy (for he was one of the delegates) he one day made a full and accurate harangue on the obligation of justice, to the great fatisfaction and improvement of his audience:—that the next day he refuted every thing he had faid before, and argued away the virtue he seemed to have fo firmly eftablished. This was to confirm the doubting principles of his new fect. It might fhow his own wit and invention,but on what were the admiring crowd to reft their judgments?—in doubt and uncertainty, in scepticism and infidelity—in speculative atheism and practical Epicurifm. Cato had good reason to wish to get rid of fuch a man as this. Such a fpecimen justly led him to be fevere on Grecian letters.

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Facts

Facts confirmed the hasty strides, which the Epicurean philofophy made in Rome. For a short time [F] after this period (viz. the destruction of Carthage) it is evident, that all reverence for the Gods, all refpect for oaths, all genuine love of their country, all regard for whatever was virtuous and serious, was nearly annihilated in Rome. The feeds of diffipation and corruption were fo generally spread, that a wild, unlettered African could exclaim with truth on the conviction of his own experience-" that all things were [G] venal at Rome." The conduct of the Romans from this period, the bloody profcriptions of Marius and Sylla (which gave rife to a number of fuicides), the Catalinarian conspiracy, the civil wars of the Triumvirates, are fo many undeniable proofs, that all reverence for religion and the Gods, or in other words, that the degrading doctrines and atheistical tenets of the followers of Epicurus were very generally prevalent. A Roman fenator could now be heard with patience and applause, whilst he was pleading the cause of traitors and confpirators before a Roman senate! A Roman fenator could dare openly to avow without fear of reprehenfion, "that death is the end of all our cares;—that beyond it there [H] is neither room for hopes nor fears." How would a Cineas have triumphed and a Fabricius hung his head, had they been prefent in this affembly!

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In the decline of the republic the chief men of Rome were for the most part Epicureans. But the tenets of this philofophy were wonderfully adapted to confirm in principle the grofs doctrine of fuicide, which, when perpetrated as

[F] Deos negligere, omnia venalia habere-humana omnia divinaque mitceri-delubra spoliare, facra profanaque omnia polluere.—SALLUST.

[G] Urbem venalem & maturè perituram, fi emptorem invenerit.-Jugurtha in SALLUST.

[H] In luctu atque miferiis mortem ærumnarum requiem, non cruciatum effe; eam cuncta mortalium diffolvere; "Ultra neque curæ neque gaudio locum efle."-See Cæfar's fpeech in Salluft in favour of Cataline's affociates.-See alfo Cato's reply to Cæfar, in which he flightly touches on this paffage-but with no marks of Fabrician indignation at its impiety." Bene & compofite C. Cæsar paulo ante in hoc ordine de vitâ & morte differuit, credo falfa exiftumans ea, quæ de inferis memorantur; diverfo itinere malos a bonis loca tetra, in culta, fœda ac formidolofa habere." Cicero on the fame occafion feems to accede to Cafar's opinion, only thinks it better, that the vulgar at least should have fome dread of futurity. "Itaque ut aliqua in vitâ formido improbis eflet pofita, apud inferos ejusmodi quædam illi antiqui fupplicia impiis conftituta effe voluerunt; quod videlicet intelligebant, his remotis, mortem non effe pertimefcendam."Cic. in Catalinam, Orat. IV. fect. 4.

Sec more on thefe paffages in Warburton's Divine Legation, Book III. fect, 2.

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the conclusion of a vicious course of life, must be founded on a disbelief of any future account. When our views of action are wholly selfish and grounded on mean and degrading principles (like thofe of Epicurus's herd); when the practice of forbearance is fet at nought; when the Gods are difcarded from all interference in worldly concerns and the retribution of futurity is annihilated where fuch opinions prevail, if there arife a failure in any scheme of ambition, of pride, of avarice, of pleasure, then are the pangs of disappointment most feverely felt, because there is no refting-place or grounds of fubmiffion and refignation left in the mind. The tortures of the paffions are keen and exceffive, and when their disappointments are deemed infurmountable, the only refuge is held forth in a flight by fuicide. Thus not only an idea of its lawfulness, but of its expediency, its utility, and neceffity, as a total relief from pain and trouble of all forts, is unavoidably impreffed on the mind. Such a prevalence had thefe abfurd and monftrous doctrines in the decline of the Roman republic.

There wanted but one thing to diffuse and complete the baneful effect of opinions so pleasant in themselves to a vitiated mind; and that and that was, the perfuafive powers and energy of language. This fafcination was exhibited to the Romans in their native tongue by the poet Lucretius, who made the Grecian philofopher to affume a Latin garb, and who difguifed and decorated his destructive doctrines in all the bold and figurative [1] fiction of strong nervous poetry. The genius of Lucretius was powerful, exuberant, and worthy of adorning a better subject than the exaltation [K] of pleasure and atheism. But his

[1] Lucretius died (as fome fay killed himself) in the flower of his age; about the year of Rome 700, or 52 before Chrift. A potion (as is generally faid) had been given him fome time before by his wife in a fit of jealousy, which at times difordered his brain; and it was during the lucid intervals of his phren. y, that (as fome affirm) he wrote his famous poem, "De Naturâ Rerum," on Epicurean principles.

[K] Lucretius continually mentions the

dux vitæ dia voluptas

Te fequitur cupidè, quò quemque inducere pergis.

And he honeftly acknowledges (which is more candid than the modern race of infidels) that he hopes to establish his credit,

Primum quod magnis doceo de rebus & arctis

Relligionum animos nodis exfolvere pergo.Lib. I. 930.

his poem was admirably calculated at the time to spread the cause of diffipation and impiety, with which that of felf-murder is at all times closely connected. No wonder then, that the Romans were still further deluded by the plausibility of this writer, who concealed his " empty" schemes [] under the beauties of poetic fiction. They gave themfelves up from henceforward to an excess of pleasure, profufion, and luxury; and when all further procurement of these failed, to the general and unreftrained practice of fuicide.

But the effects of Epicurean principles being the fame in every age and country, they are to be confidered only as exercifing their general influence on the Romans in the fame manner, as they do in every state tending to corruption. There was however another peculiar fource from whence much Roman fuicide sprang, and which has contributed in a manner to aggrandife its fame in modern days; and this was "Stoicifm." The tenets of this philofophy were admirably adapted to coincide with the ideas of an old Roman; fince the ftoical wife man was in many points a tranfcript of his character. Severity of manners, difinterestedness, and firmnefs were expreffive of both: but the principle from whence this integrity and refolution proceeded was in favour of the Roman. The Stoic was wrapped up in perfonal dignity, which he fought indeed through: the practice of every thing that was useful to others, as well as honourable to himself; while the old Roman never feemed to ftudy or think of his own dignity in comparison of his country's glory. The Stoic therefore retired from life, when he could no longer maintain his former confequence in the state; the old Roman, regardless of every thing that appertained to felf, never confidered his obligations to his country difcharged, till he either fell in battle, or endeavoured to gain fome great advantage to his fellow-citizens by throwing himself in the way of certain deftruction.-But the tranfition was eafy from the old Roman difinterestedness to the felf-dignity of Stoicifm. For when that, country began to be debased by the profligacy of its own citizens, whose honour an old Roman preferred to his own, all concern for its interefts was very na

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His arguments," that all our uneafinefs in life arifes from the fear of death and from religion;" and his proofs "of the foul's dying with the body" are very artfully drawn up, though wholly deftitute of» fubftantial reasoning. But yet they are the arguments of all the fceptical and infidel writers of this age,, who can produce no better, but who would fain pafs them off for their own.

[L]

Namque eft in rebus "Inane"-is Lucretius's maxim..

turally

turally and properly transferred by the few remaining virtuous members of the community to themselves;" in whom alone in fact the republic could be faid to exift and thus "Stoical and Roman virtue" became coincident and united in a perfonal dignity of character. But as neither an old Roman citizen, nor a ftoic philofopher, wifhed his country to exift but in freedom and honour, fo neither in flagitious times did he choose himself to furvive his own personal confequence. Wherefore though Roman integrity and virtue was fetting apace on the introduction of the stoic philosophy, yet there were still many individuals, who entertained high notions of probity and a difinterefted love of their country. Among fuch the doctrines of Stoicifm found ftrenuous advocates; and in particular its avowal and injunction of fuicide on dignified occafions was well calculated to inspire virtuous exertions in virtuous minds, in the midst of profligacy and corruption of manners. The Roman Stoic proceeded with vigour in his honest cause, being satisfied by his principles of philosophy, that it was both meritorious and honourable to put himself to death, when from the prevalence of outward circumstances against him, he could no longer maintain his life in its former [M] confequence. Suicide therefore gained daily ground on ftoical principles amid the better fort of Romans; amid thofe, who adhered to ancient difcipline and religious manners, till it obtained its full fanction and authority from the fword of Cato.

The joint influence then of the tenets [N] of these two fects of philofophy, which comprehended the citizens of moft defcriptions, proved a powerful and effectual caufe of the introduction of the "principle" of fuicide at Rome; whilst many particular circumstances of the times, which were full of public injustice, rapine, and cruelty, contributed to draw forth this [o] principle into frequent

[M] Dignitas potiùs fine vitâ quàm vita fine dignitate-was the ftoical maxim. [N] It appears however, that there were ftill adherers in Rome to the Socratic fchool, who condemned the principle of fuicide; fince Seneca fays (as has been noticed before) "You will find even ແ among thofe, who profefs wifdom, fome, who deny that we ought to offer violence to our own "lives," &c.Ep. lxx.

[o] The judicious Montefquieu (in his Rife and Fall of the Roman Empire, c. xii.) mentions the following circumftances as productive of fo much fuicide in Rome. They are most of them confequences either of Stoical or Epicurean principles called forth into practice by the temper of the times. "One may give feveral reasons (fays he) why the custom of fuicide was fo general among the "Romans:

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