sponsibility, because the whole array of eminent counsel have signed along with him, and mean to assist in giving themselves this lift: He cannot defend himself by appealing to their taste or to their sense of delicacy.

Was the crane, which has long been perched on the house of his forefathers-was the crane indeed sleeping when he took this ill-advised and unfortunate step? -When HE has thus lent his name to countenance and protect a measure, the absurdity, pretension, and bad taste of which, without the authority of his name, would have betrayed itself-In vain will he now attempt to relieve himself in the eyes of the public-ay, or of those who are in the same scrape, of interested motives, by avowing his intention not to take office or to execute his meditated retirement. Though I believe that he would willingly renounce the highest and proudest distinctions to avoid the least appearance of selfishness; the world is not so just, and the very refusal of office after this step would be considered as done from the dread of imputation. That HE has been persuaded in an evil hour to sanction this novel proceeding against his better judgment and his own taste, it would not be Fair Play to disguise my belief. Let him thank the friends who have led him into this unhappy step, if all are not equally charitable, and if he ere long himself repents this use of his name and his cha

racter.

If, indeed, HE has been zealous in this attempt to advertise his own pretensions to office-if He has

promoted and encouraged the meeting-if HE has counselled his learned friends, and especially the common agent of whiggism," the great toe of this assembly," how best to humour the feelings and gratify the prejudices of the people of Edinburgh, by putting into the chair a certain noble Viscount to grace this indiscriminate convocation-if HIS personal solicitation, ay, and gratitude due to HIM, is the poor excuse for the name of another learned whig appearing in this list, who has but recently had a signal proof that neither long separation nor difference of opinion had abated the friendship of cotemporaries-and if, to induce that learned brother to sign, HE has put the value of resignation in favorem against the grant of the superior, then indeed HE has lowered himself, in the eyes eyen of his best friends, beyond the power of redemption-HE has interfered with the delicacy of private feelings for the sake of adding one more name to the thick-andthin supporters of his own claims to office, and shewn that the SPIRIT of WHIGGISM Stops at NOTHING when SELF is in view.

It is needless to point out to you the several claims and expectations of other of these eminent counsel. Report makes four ambitious for the solicitor's gown; nay, it is said that a certain Aurora Borealis, a wandering and uncertain light which has

* The appointment of a certain northern sheriff—a handsome thing done in a handsome way. Qu. Ought such things to be so thrown away?

lately re-appeared, though in eccentric orbit, in these northern altitudes, might think that, among other cards to play, this distinction would add weight to his law, and effect to his eloquence, in the lower house.

Non nostrum tantas componere lites.

But the first thing is to secure the office, and so all join, to appearance, head and hand, though with many a secret jealousy and heart-burning, in this grand project which is to help them all to the scramble. Whether recent visits to London, and close connexion with what seems to be the predominating and popular party on the topic of the Queen, may prevail over and outjockey the old established L-d-le interest, now partly in the shade, remains to be seen: but that the former will run the race keen cannot be doubted.

One name, however, deserves commemoration. Conscientious difference of opinion must occur in all circumstances. It is unfortunate when a man leaves his own and his father's friends to cleave to party; but the independence of principle who would controul?, Yet there are situations which naturally dictate the propriety, the decorum, and the gracefulness of abstaining from forcing such difference of opinion on public observation, or from thinking ourself so fitted for a popular part, and so called upon to act for one's country's good, that all considerations of circumstances-all recollections of former days and other times-all retrospect of what others received and others owed (even if neither ad

vantage nor gratitude had descended with the ties of blood)-all regard for the feelings or the situation of others, must give way to the Spartan virtue of sinking family in the state, and to the love of popular applause. In this list is the name of one eminent counsel, said to be peculiarly the active promoter of the intended meeting-the nephew of one departed statesman, and the cousin of a cabinet minister-whose family have surely owed so much to that connexion as should induce one of its members to refrain at least from taking generally the most prominent and decided line of his whole party against his father's friends-who himself held office for several years under the present ministers, until he found himself fairly introduced into business, and who, and his personal friends, loudly exclaimed at his removal by his superior, whom, with singular propriety and delicacy of feeling, he had taken peculiar pleasure in attaking. Is there none of the feeling of disappointed ambition in the conduct of this learned counsel? Is there no regret for his present line indicated in the proverbial and unbecoming asperity of his political feeling? Do his present friends, if they do not get in, feel confident in the steadiness of his adherence? Though, perhaps, some of these learned whigs might not be willing to throw the first stone.

Many of you may know some of the reports now alluded to better than Fair Play; but such reports are among you Let them clear themselves, IF THEY DO NOT FEAR CONTRADICTION.

I have given you so much prose, that it is but Fair Play to treat you with some rhyme: But first a word or two on the two present topics of conversation among the inhabitants of this good town.

The first is the Queen. Now, when you are thus called on to vote the Whigs into office, and they so openly claim your voice on the ground of their conduct to this unfortunate female, whom her friends have indeed most basely and selfishly made the mere tool of their own party or factious purposes, without the least regard to the dignity of her rank, or the character of her sex, it is but Fair Play to ask, whether these very Whigs did not, when in office, in 1806, entertain charges of adultery against her, and condemn the Princess of Wales of gross improprieties of conduct, by a report of Privy Councillors-THE CONCLUSIVE PROCEEDING IN THAT INVESTIGATION without even informing her of the charges against her-much less hearing her defence.

Then the MERIT of the Whigs is, that, in 1806, they tried and condemned her unheard, and without the common accompaniment of a trial, the opportunity of defence.

The DEMERIT of the present ministers is, that, in consequence of reports with which all Europe rung, and after long investigation, they brought the Queen to a public trial before the Parliament of Britain, on charges of which an immense majority of the Peers declared her guilty, by a bill which, though Lord Grey found it convenient to oppose, HE, even

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