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Latham perhaps, whose quick eye will not fail to catch it, will be able to tell whether the same peculiarity distinguishes the Circassian tongue. For myself I doubt not it will so prove, because the rule for nouns is but another phase of the rule for pronouns.

In the meantime, the striking grammatical analogies* I have pointed out stand in no need of further elucidation, and these analogies, together with the explanation from the Tibetan of the widely-used but heretofore unexplained Ra suffix, constitute in themselves, and as sustaining all those numerous identities of the primitive vocables which have been adverted to, something very like a demonstration of the Mongolidan affinities of the Caucasians, though I would be understood to speak with a due sense of the disqualifications inseparable from my secluded position and want of access to books. I subjoin Latham's sample of the construction of the Circassian language, with its equivalent in Gyárúng.

"I give to my father the horse."

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"In the house are two doors" is, in like manner, "house two doors" in the Circassian and Gyárúng tongues.

its servile adjuncts, though clearly, as to simple compounds, constantly observing the rules of contraction and of substitution noted in the text. In the Gyárúng sentence, Tizécazé papún, he summoned them to feast, the word for to feast shows the root repeated twice, and each time with a separate servile, though we have here only one verb, not two verbs; and in kalarlar, round, still no compound, we have the root repeated, but yet with a servile, though only one, being the prefix ka. In such cases that servile is usually omitted, as kaka, sky; pyepye, bird; chacha, hot.

* Those analogies might now be largely extended did health and time permit. Take the following instances :-Tam-bus, father; imbas, my father, in Uraon. Sampa, father; ampa, my father, in Kiránti, Ku-kos, child; ing-kos, my child, U'raon. Tam, sam, ku, serviles, replaced by the pronouns; compare Malayan sam-piyan, san-diri, kan-diri, ka-manus, k’anak, &c.

Ra suffix subjoined for illustration though not in use with this person. See prior note.

* in

The plural sign, kwé in Circassian, myé or kamyé Gyárúng, is in both languages alike "the beginning and end of declension."

The following list of Circassian and Gyárúng pronouns may facilitate the reader's apprehension.

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The same conjoined with a noun.

Circassian.t-S-ab W-ab

T-ab

Gyárúng. Nga-pé Na-pé Wape My, Thy, His, father.

COMPARISON AND ANALYSIS OF CAUCASIAN AND MONGOLIAN WORDS.

Man.-K'mari in Georgian
Maré in Suanic

Maro in Lepcha

Muru in Súnwár

M'ru in Mrú

Mano in Newári

Mansi in Bódó

Múa-máre nomen gentis

Man.-Lé-g in Osetic

Lé-ng in Burmese
Len-ja in Magar
Lú in Burmese
Ló-k in Tai
Ló-g-nya in Khas
K'lú-n in K'lún

Boy.-Lap-pu in Osetic
Lok-pa in Tai

K, prefix, servile, as in Indo-Chinese k'lun, a man, and Malayan k'anak, a child; a sort of article and equivalent to the suffixed k. Má, with the customary change of vowel (see on to mo-i and mi), is the root throughout, and it takes the common ra suffix, likewise with the usual vocalic diversity. But observe that in m'ru this servile absorbs the vowel of the root, as in m'se, Georgian for mé-se, voce fire.

This is the first of numerous samples in which the name of the species is that of a tribe. Means husband.

Means male, especially human, lén, the root, having the sense of mankind, or both sexes. K suffix, servile articular like the g in lé-g and ló-g.

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Ka is the prefix, appended as usual. I have already remarked that the Gyárún tongue is distinguished among its allies by its extensive employment of this class of particles. The Burmese tongue makes less use of them, and in its mya, much, many, we have the Gyarúng plural sign, myé, or ka-myé. The Suanic maré and Georgian k'mari for man, afford precise Caucasian equivalent quoad the servile ka, showing it to be dropped or retained according to circumstances or to dialects in Caucasus.

† Ab, father-pé, father, less the prefix.

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Mi in Tibetan
Mi in Lhopa
Mi in Murmi

Mi in Moitai

Mhi in Gúrúng
Bhar-mi in Magar
Bar-ma, nomen gentis
Tir-mi in Gyarúng
Mi-va in Gáró
Yap-mi in Limbu
Mih-pa in Kuki
Ka-mi in Kámi
Kú-mi in Kúmi
Pú-mi in Plé

Mi-jang in Newar
Mi-sa in Newár
Mi-ya in Newár
Miyau-lau in Roinga
Mim-ma in Burmese
Sa-mi in Burmese
S'mé in Horpa
Se-mé in Kolun
Mé-jing in Lau

1.-Sa in Circassian
Sa-ya in Malay

Sa in Tagalan

Sa in Malay

Sú-m in Vayu

I.-Má in Osetic

Má in Mingrelian
Má in Lazic
Mi in Suanic
Ma in Tinnio
Mo-n in Sap

Mi in Mongol Mi in Mantchu

I.-Jé-s in Armenian Ji in Newári vJa in Horpa

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* The basis of all these tongues from Caucasus to Oceanica is a small number of monosyllabic roots bearing necessarily many senses. Hence to distinguish between those several senses is the chief function of the servile adjuncts of the roots. In this language, for example, the root wa means come, tooth, rice, rain, throw, and he.

I.-A'-z, A-s in Osetic

An-ka in Kiránti

A-ku, A' in Malay
A' in Manyak

Ká in Dhimáli

Thou. She-n in Georgian
Si in Mingrelian
Si in Suanic
T'shi in Mongol
Se-n in Túrki
Sa-n in Onigur
Sa in Finnic
Chhá in Newári

Chá in Sokpa
Sú in Tai

He.-Ná in Armenian

Ná in Chinese

Ná in Malay
Ni in Khyeng

No in Anam

A' is the root throughout, za, sa, ka, ku, being serviles, though some of them, as ka, frequently take the place of the root.

Sí, shí; sé, shé; sá, shá, sú, are the several phases of the root, or cycle of customary See revariation, just as in the nouns. marks on kha" voce dog.

The plural, Ye.

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Ha prefix and I suffix, servile.

H'ná-i

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I' in Burmese

I' in Dhekra

I' in Malay and Tagala

He.-Ta in Circassian

Ta in Sóntál
Ta in Gondi
Té in Mongol
Té in Mantchu
Té-ún in Dhekra
Tá in Esthonian
Thá in Gyami
Thi in Gúrúng
Thé in Murmi

Thú in Burmese
Tá-i in Dhekra

He.-I'-s in Georgian
I-ti-na in Mingrelian
I-té in Dhekra

Deduced from i-ti, i-tu, &c.

In composition as conjunct prefix or suffix or as disjunct, eg., t-ap, his father; apa-t, his father; handa-ta-r, he went. See Rosen, Phillips, and Driberg. With regard to the transposed pronoun, see note voce fire. The law of transposition is so important that I add the following samples to show that even where the actual practice has ceased, analogy supports its quondam use.

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