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second he answers with some reason, that the introduction of English judges and revenue officers, for such the proposed commissioners would be, into his country, would make his own officers ciphers, and his own power contemptible, and that he would sooner bid adieu to his crown at once, and turn Faqueer. To the third, that he has not understood it to be the custom of either the King of England or the Governor-general, to hold such an open Durbar as they recommend, nor will those who have seen a Lucknow mob anticipate any beneficial effects from such excessive accessibility. But to prove his regard for his people, he has instructed his prime minister to hold a Durbar for these precise purposes twice a week, who is charged to report all cases of importance to his own ear. The fourth he answers by saying, that it was very hard to accuse him of harbouring robbers, while we refuse him all aid in putting down the very Zemindars, whose fortresses and fastnesses are the common nests of robbery and rebellion; that if we help him to subdue his rebels, he will keep his robbers in order himself: but that it would be a cruel mockery to continue to call him a king, if any neighbouring magistrate might enter his dominions at pleasure. He urges that “all his difficulties have arisen from his entire confidence in the friendship of the Company. That this induced him and his ancestors to disband an excellent army, till they scarce left sentries enough for the palace; and thus they have become unable, without help, to enforce payment of their ancient revenues. That this induced him to lend to the British Government all the money which would else have enabled him to ease the
people of their burdens, and to meet without inconvenience whatever loss of income a new assessment may, for some time, render inevitable. That he never has refused, and never will refuse, to give the best consideration in his power to any measures of reform which may be, in a friendly manner, proposed to him: but he refers to those who represent him as a tyrant, or who speak of his country as depopulated, to every traveller who has marched along its principal roads, and has observed the extent of cultivation through which they are carried.”. He concludes by saying, that “he is aware, that notwithstanding the tone of equality and independence which in their treaties and official correspondence the Company have allowed him to maintain, he is in fact in their power; but if he is to reign at all, for which he knows that he has no guarantee but British good faith, he entreats that his requests for the performance of a positive treaty may not be met by stipulations which would render that treaty vain, that he may be defended from the only enemies he has,
or is likely to have, his rebellious Zemindars, and protected in the exercise of functions which are essential parts of that sovereignty which has been so solemnly and repeatedly guaranteed to him.” The statement, of which these are the purport, I thought very curious; they certainly show strongly the perplexities and mischief arising from the subsidiary system which seems for so many years to have been our favourite policy in India, and to which it must be owned a considerable part of our political greatness is owing:
I can bear witness certainly to the truth of the King's statement, that his territories are really in a far better state of cultivation than I had expected to find them. From Lucknow to Sandee, where I am now writing, the country is as populous and well cultivated as most of the Company's provinces. The truth perhaps is, that for more than a year back, since the aid of troops has been withheld, affairs have been in some respects growing better.
The Zemindars have in a few instances carried their point; the Aumeens have been either driven away entirely or been forced to a moderate compromise, and the chief actual sufferers at the present moment are the King, who gets little or nothing even of his undoubted dues, and the traveller, who, unless he have such a guard as I have, had better sleep in a safe skin on the other side of the Ganges. It should be observed, however, that I have as yet seen no signs of those
mud-forts, stockades, and fortresses, on which the Zemindars and peasantry are said to rely for safety; that the common people north of Lucknow are, I think, not so universally loaded with arms as those to the southward, and that though I have heard a good deal all the way of the distressed state of the country, as well as its anarchy and lawlessness
, except in the single instance I have mentioned, where the treasure was attacked, I have seen no signs of either, or had any reason to suppose that the King's writ does not pass current, or that our Aumeen would have the least difficulty in enforcing it in our favour, even without the small payment which I give, and which is evidently accepted as a gratuity. I cannot
but suspect, therefore, that the misfortunes and anarchy of Oude are somewhat overrated, though it is certain that so fine land will take a long time in ruining, and that very many years of oppression will be required to depopulate a country which produces on the same soil, and with no aid but irriga tion, crops of wheat and pulse every year.
It seemed strange to me why, since so much of the present calamities of the country were ascribed
to the misconduct of the minister, his removal was not demanded in the first instance, after which all subsequent measures of reform
might be looked forward to as attainable. But it was apprehended that the King would rather abdicate than be dic. tated to in this particular, and that it was thought better to urge an effectual change of system, than the mere removal of an individual who might be replaced by somebody not at all better. I asked also if the people thus oppressed desired, as I had been assured they did, to be placed under English Government? Captain Lockitt said that he had heard the same thing; but on his way this year to Lucknow, and conversing, as his admirable knowledge of Hindoostanee enables him to do, familiarly with the suwarrs who accompanied him, and who spoke out, like all the rest of their countrymen, on the weakness of the King and the wickedness of the Government, he fairly put the question to them, when the jemautdar, joining his hands, said with great fervency, « miserable as we are, of all miseries keep us from that!" “ Why so?” said Captain Lockitt, " are not our people far better governed?” “ Yes,” was the answer, so but the name of Oude and the honour of our nation would be at an end." There are, indeed, many reasons why highborn and ambitious men must be exceedingly averse to our rule; but the preceding expression of one in humble rank savours of more national feeling and personal frankness than is always met with in India. He was a soldier, however, and a Mussulman, who spoke thus. A Hindoo Ryut might have answered differently, and it is possible that both accounts may be true, though this only can I vouch for as authentic. It ought to be borne in mind, that the oppression and anarchy to which Oude is a prey, are chiefly felt and witnessed in the villages. In the towns the King's authority passes unquestioned, and I have not heard that the dustoury levied is irregular or excessive. An insurrection in Lucknow would be a dreadful thing, and most ministers will be careful how they excite it.
The population at Lucknow is guessed at three hundred thousand.". But Mussulmans regard every attempt to number the people as a mark of great impiety, and a sure presage of famine or pestilence; so that nothing can be known with accuracy. It is, I really think, large enough and sufficiently crowded to contain that number. There are two bridges over the Goomty, one a very noble old Gothic edifice of stone, of, I believe, eleven arches; the other a platform laid on boats, and merely connecting the king's park with his palace. Saadut Ali had brought over an iron bridge from England, and a place was prepared for its erection; but on his death the present sovereign declined prosecuting the work, on the ground that it was unlucky; so that in all pro
CHRISTIANS IN LUCKNOW.
bability it will lie where it is, till the rust reduces it to pow. der.
There are, in Lucknow, a considerable number of Christians of one kind or other. Besides the numerous dependants of the Residency, the King has a great many Europeans and half-castes in his employ. There are also many tradesmen of both these descriptions, and a strange medley of adventurers of all nations and sects, who ramble hither in the hope, generally a fruitless one, of obtaining employment.
I had numerous congregations, both at the Cantonments and the Residency, the two Sundays which I staid. The Hindoostanee reads well in prayer, particularly those words which are derived from the Arabic, as most of the religious terms in the translation of our Liturgy appear to be. I like the sound of Aram Ullahi jo sare fahemon se bahur hue;" “ The
peace of God, &c.;" and of “ Khoda Khader, Mutluk, jo Bap our Beta our Ruk Kodus hue;"_"God victorious, Mighty, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.” I had also twelve candidates for confirmation, and administered the sacrament to twenty-five persons, and found the people extremely anxious to assemble for public worship. The first Sunday I preached, indeed, three times, and twice the second, besides giving two confirmation lectures on the Friday and Saturday, and some other occasional duty. Mr. Ricketts is himself in the habit of acting as chaplain at the Residency every Sunday; but the people in the king's employ, and the other Christian inhabitants, complain that Government are very jealous of their attending at that place, and they express great anxiety to establish a similar meeting for devotional purposes among themselves. It would not be expedient at present to send a missionary here; but they might have a schoolmaster, furnished by our Society, with a stock of sermons to be read every Sunday. I have requested Mr. Corrie to inquire for such a person. There are a few Roman Catholics, mostly Portuguese, or their degenerate descendants, who have a small chapel, and a propaganda Franciscan priest. And, to show the strange mixture of adventurers who are attracted hither, I had applications made to me for charity by a Spaniard from Lima in Peru, who had come in search of service, and a Silesian Jew, who pretended that he had been an officer in the Russian army, and had been encouraged to bend his course in this direction by the golden dreams which men in Europe build of the opening for talent and adventurous spirit in India. I should have thought this last fellow a spy, had he not been quite without papers or documents of any kind, or if it had not been unlikely that a Russian spy would have openly professed to have
DEPARTURE FROM LUCKNOW.
served in the Russian army. He was exceedingly ignorant, spoke wretched French and German, with a strong Jewish accent, and, instead of having served in the army, had every appearance of having sold oranges all his days in Leip
LUCKNOW TO BAREILLY.
DEPARTURE FROM LUCKNOW-GRATITUDE OF SEPOYS-ILL
NESS-MUSSULMAN SUWARR-SANDEE-DISPUTE BETWEEN TWO VILLAGERS-SHAHJEHANPOOR-REBEL CHIEF IN THE FOREST-ANECDOTE OF ROHILLA CHIEF-FERTILITY OF ROHILCUND-FUTTEHGUNGE--HAFEZ REHMUT-VISIT FROM TUSSULDARFURREEDPOOR--BAREILLY-PROFESSIONAL DUTIES-CHARACTER OF ROHILLAS--PREPARATIONS FOR THE MOUNTAINS.
On Monday, November 1st, having united my two kind. hearted friends, Mr. and Mrs. Ricketts, and taken leave of them, the Corries, and poor Lushington, whose bad health obliged me to leave behind, under the care of the Residency surgeon, Mr. Luxmoore, I set off from Lucknow alone, and, I confess, with more regret and depression of spirits than I expected to feel on such an occasion. I had become quite intimate with Mr. and Mrs. Ricketts; for the Corries and Lushington I feel a sincere regard, and I could not but be painfully sensible how great the probability was, in such a climate, that this might, on earth, be our last meeting. I had the satisfaction, however, to leave the Archdeacon much better than he had been, and to find that Mr. Luxmoore thought favourably of Lushington's case. But it was, altogether, a sad leave-taking. Lushington was very low, in spite of many endeavours to speak cheerfully; the Corries much agitated, and their little girls in tears; and I do not think I felt least of the party, though I believe I talked the most on various subjects.
I had found great difficulty in ascertaining the best road to Bareilly. That marked down in Paton's routes was declared, by the Dak Moonshee, and the King's Aumeen, the only persons from whom I was likely to obtain information, to be no longer practicable, the villages specified there being either deserted, or so far impoverished as to afford neither VOL. I.