an ambassador to Selim I.; and placed under the protection of the Porte, by means of a tribute, Selim named him a Pasha, and immediately sent a corps of janissaries to maintain upon the throne his new vassal. Khair-Eddin being, by order, rendered master of a fort occupied by the Spaniards, and built upon an island near to Algiers, caused a pier to be made, in order to form a new fort. Thirty thousand Christian slaves were employed at this work, which was finished in less than three years. Khair-Eddin still increased the fortifications of Algiers, and furnished it with troops and artillery.

Soliman II., thinking to find in him the only man capable of being opposed to André Doria, named him kapoudan-pasha, or admiral. Having left the pashalic of Algiers to a renegado, called Hassem-Aga, Khair-Eddin went to pay homage to Soliman. He immediately subdued Tunis. Driven from that town by Charles V., he ravaged the sides of Italy, attacked André Doria in the Gulf of Ambracia, and remained master of that sea. At length, after many glorious expeditions, he returned to Constantinople, and died there in 1546.

The Porte continued for a long time to name the Pashas of Algiers, and to send them money and troops. About the commencement of the 17th century, the janissaries, enraged against its governors, because they would not give them their pay, sent an ambassador to Constantinople, and proposed to the Grand Signor to choose a chief himself, to govern under the name of Dey, who would deduct their pay from the amount of the contributions imposed on the inhabitants of the regency. The Grand Signor, whom this new arrangement excused from sending to Algiers the sums necessary for the maintenance of the troops, consented to the conditions proposed by the janissaries themselves; knowing that the Grand Signor should always be sovereign of Algiers, and that his Pasha should continue to receive the accustomed honours.

Things remained thus for some time. At a still later date, the Pashas assumed to themselves the right of life and death over the Deys, who were then only chiefs of janissaries. In 1710, the Dey Baba-Ali, having entertained a just suspicion against the reigning Pasha, placed him on board a ship, and sent him to Constantinople. He sent, at the same time, an ambassador with presents to the Grand Vizier, and to all the persons who possessed any influence with the Porte. The ambassadors represented that the Pasha of Algiers had deserved death, and that it was only out of regard for the Grand Signor that he had been spared. They finished by saying, that the double authority of the Pashas and the Deys were against the interests of the regency; they supplicated his Highness to send no more Pashas there, and to elevate the Dey

to that dignity. The presents of Baba-Ali having overcome every difficulty, the Grand Signor granted him what he demanded.

It was at this epoch that the regency ceased to receive from the Grand Signor a Pasha and troops. To fill up the vacancies which war and malady caused in the militia, the Dey sent every year to Constantinople and to Smyrna ships and commissioners to enrol the lower orders of the population of these two towns, and also the malefactors. This order of things placed all power in the hands of the Dey, and the soldiers who elevated him to the throne; since which the sovereignty of the Grand Signor over Algiers is only nominal.

The Turkish militia of the regency scarcely exceeds from ten to twelve thousand men; this number is sufficient to keep the natives in awe. If they should wish to throw off their yoke, they must organise an insurrection in the spring, when a part of the Dey's army is sent into the interior of the country to raise contributions. Independent of the Turks, the Dey maintains a troop of Moors; and, in case of necessity, he makes an appeal to the inhabitants of the interior. The number of men which the regency can place on foot, is estimated at 120,000 men. If we may believe Macgill, the army of Algiers is not very formidable. This traveller states that, in the campaign of 1807 against Tunis, four rounds of cannon fired by a Greek slave, put to flight a corps of Algerines.

The fate of the Christian captives has undergone no change since the slavery of Cervantes until our time. That which we read in the two plays of El Trato de Argel,' and 'Los Banos de Argel,' in the novel of 'L'Esclave,' and that of 'L' Amante Libérale,' is a hideous but true picture of the character of the Barbaresques, and the sufferings to which the captives are continually exposed.

As soon as an Algerine vessel has made a prize, the Turks and the Moors replace the equipage of the captured vessel, and return on board the corsair. Arrived in port, the prize is consigned to the Captain of the Port, and the cruiser again puts out to sea. They make an inventory of the cargo, and present it to the Dey, who, although legal proprietor of all that is taken, only retains oneeighth of the whole. If the cargo can be easily parted, it is divided, and all those who were on board the corsair have their share; otherwise, they sell it, and divide the product. If the Moors will not, the Jews are obliged to make the purchase.

After their landing, the captives are conducted to the palace of the Dey, where their papers are examined. If they belong to a nation of which the regency has nothing to fear, they are declared a good prize. The best are reserved for the service of his Highness, the others are condemned to public work, or to be sold by auction. The crier proclaims in a loud voice their number and their skill. Every body

is then free to examine them with the greatest nicety, to open their mouths, as they would a horse, and to name their price. When a slave is bought, the money must be paid on the spot. The women who have any hope of obtaining their ransom, are placed in a garden until their ransom is effected. The poor captives are sold to the Moors and the Turks. Many merchants buy, for speculation, those slaves whom they think capable of paying their ransom. The condition of the slaves who are bought depends on the condition and character of their masters. There are some whose treatment is tolerable; others, on the contrary, are condemned to the most vile works, and are treated with great severity. Many are killed for not being willing to submit to the brutality of their masters. But they who are most to be pitied are those who are destined to the public works. Despoiled of their garments, which are replaced by a poor cloth vest, they are shut up in a galley. Every morning before day, the galley-sergeant proposes to their guard to call them for a flogging, and they cry out in broken lingua franca: bamos a trabajo cornutas; can d'infidel a trabajo. They then come out of the galley, with their head and feet naked, covered with chains, and are taken to the bake-house, where they are given two small black loaves, which forms almost the whole of their nourishment; and without the charity of some Moors, who do not conform with this custom, they would have nothing to eat on Friday, because on that day they are not allowed to work. They are obliged to make cord and sails for the fleet, to empty the wells, to cleanse the gutters, and carry stones and wood for the public buildings. They are yoked also with beasts of burden, and when there are any floggings to be given, they are always for the Christians. The picture of the interior of a galley, those in which we have seen the captive shut up, would be too revolting to place under the eyes of our readers.

The expedition of Lord Exmouth has, without doubt, caused these horrors to cease for a time, by procuring liberty to the Christian slaves who were in Algiers; but the first article of the treaty of the 30th of August 1816, which was the total abolition of Christian slavery has it been observed? We are convinced to the contrary; and we have reason to believe, that this treaty has not been better executed by the Barbaresques, than the treaties for the abolition of the negro slave trade has been by the Christian Powers.French Globe.

Origin, History, and Present State of the CENSORSHIP OF THE PRESS IN INDIA.

No. II.

Dr. M'Lean's Private and Unpublished Journal, from his Expulsion from India, till his Arrival in England.

No. 4, South Barracks, Fort William,
Saturday, August 4, 1798.

THE point at issue being the destruction or maintenance of the Freedom of the Press in India, as there was no probability that either the Governor-General or myself would recede from our respective pretensions, it appeared inevitable that I should return to Europe. Accordingly, at the termination of the month of July, I gave up my house, and, at eleven o'clock, A. M., on Friday, the 3d of August, surrendered, by my own appointment, to Captain Mouggach, Town-Adjutant, at Parr's Tavern-not choosing to implicate any of my friends in my proceedings with the Government. He there gave me the following letter:

'To Mr. Charles McLean.

'SIR,-I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 23d instant, and to acquaint you that instructions have been issued to the Commander of the Honourable Company's ship Busbridge, to receive and accommodate you with a charter-party passage; and to desire that you will immediately prepare to embark on board that ship, instead of the Mildred.

'The Town-Adjutant has received orders to conduct you immediately on board the Busbridge, unless you will give good security to repair to that ship in due time; and her Commander has been informed, that he will be held responsible for the security of your person until his arrival in England, when he is permitted to release you. I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

'Council Chamber, 30th July, 1798.'

'D. CAMPBELL, Sub.-Sec.

Having taken some refreshment at the tavern, I was conducted by Captain Mouggach to the Fort, and lodged in his apartment, (subalterns' quarters, consisting of one room tolerably spacious,) with a sentinel at my door. I had permission, however, to walk in any part of the building. In the meantime, a sircar, who held an obligation of mine for a small sum of money, of which a balance remained due, payable in five or six months, had, it seems, prepared to issue a writ of ne exeat regno against me, and to claim my person from the Government. Of this circumstance I was informed at the tavern by Captain Mouggach, in a manner that gave me to un

derstand it was supposed to have been by my own connivance. Without manifesting any particular eagerness to repel this conjecture, I merely stated, that I knew nothing of the matter; observing, at the same time, that, as such an interference would be of disservice to me, it was obvious that the intention of the sircar could be only to recover the amount of his debt from Government. There is not the least probability that his views extended further. At nine o'clock, I dismissed my servants for the night, and went to bed.

Sunday, August 5, 1798.

Scarcely had the tranquillizing influence of sleep pervaded my frame, to the exclusion of ordinary impressions, when a voice of the most authoritative tone briskly interrupted my slumbers- Mr. Maclean, you must repair on board immediately.' Raising myself in bed, and looking round, I saw several European serjeants, and a number of sepoys, with swords and firelocks glittering in every direction. Serjeant-major Jones, the leader of this gallant band, informed me that a Company's sloop was ready to convey me to Saugor Roads, and that he had the orders of the Town-Major (Captain Calcraft) to conduct me on board immediately. I represented to him that it was a strange time for such a proceeding; that all my servants had left the Fort, and were gone to their respective homes for the night; that it would be impossible to find them at so unseasonable an hour, or to get my clothes and baggage from Calcutta. These were inconveniences of such a nature, I observed, that I must absolutely refuse to get out of bed but by force; adding, that I should be ready to repair on board as early as they pleased in the morning; that the delay could not possibly be of any consequence in respect to the affair of the sircar, which I presumed was the motive of their precipitancy, since the gates of the Fort were already shut for the night, and the next day being Sunday, no arrest could take place by the civil power for debt.

He said he could not take upon himself the responsibility of granting my request, but would go back to the Town-Major for fresh instructions, and, in the meantime, ordered the soldiers to quit the room, leaving one as a sentinel at the door. Among the military functionaries present was an old acquaintance, Garrisonserjeant Martin, to whose family I had had occasion to render some little services at the Calcutta General Hospital. He was very much affected, and could hardly credit the testimony of his eyes. God bless me, my dear Sir, is it really you? What can I do to show my gratitude and respect? Can I run to Calcutta for your baggage and servants? Can I do this? can I do that? He named twenty things almost in a breath. The honest fellow contributed, by his words and actions, and by his exhortations to the other persons employed around me, to render essential services in every way within the compass of his power, and to evince a disposition the most gratifying to