short distance on his front with between 30,000 and 40,000 men. Yar Mohammed Khan at first disavowed all connection with Syed Ahmed, but at last threw off the mask and joined him at Noshera. The force with Boodh Sinh was at first but 4000 men, but on these occurrences becoming known at Lahore, reinforcements had been sent to him, making his army between 15,000 and 20,000 men. The enemy threatening to cut off his communications, he fell back upon the Indus, near to the village of Seydoo, where he was attacked by the whole force of the Mohammedans, amounting, according to some accounts, to 90,000 infantry and 10,000 horse, on the 21st of February. The greater part of this host being ill armed, and worse organized, made no impression on the Sikh troops, who, after repelling two desperate but disorderly attacks upon their position, advanced to the charge with great determination, and put the enemy to the route. In the flight great numbers were sabred by the Rajah's cavalry, and a body that had taken shelter in the village of Saydoo, was surrounded and entirely destroyed. The Mohammedans lost eight pieces of artillery and about 100 swivels, and their camp was plundered by the victors. It was not known in what direction the chiefs had fled. In consequence of the victory, the regular battalions and foot artillery, which had been sent off to join the army, had been remanded, but Monsieur Ventura had been ordered to advance to Peshawer, and occupy the balahissar, or citadel, whilst Monsieur Allard, with the cavalry, was instructed to join the Prince Sheher Sinh, and remain with his force at Hesht Nagar near Peshawer. It was thought propable that the enemy would not be able to make head against the Rajah's troops, the dispersion having been complete. The date of these advices is the beginning of March. At this time the Rajah's health continued much the same, and he was uuable, to his great regret, to take the field. He was living in tents in the gardens to the east and north-east of Lahore, in which he was frequently shifting his quarters; latterly, they were near the Sumun Burj, on the bank of the small branch of the Ravi, which washes the north-west extremity of the city. Another French officer, we learn, has lately joined the Rajah's service, and one, on his way to Lahore, is still detained at Peshawer.'

The following account of the insurrection in Tartary, from the same Paper, will be deemed interesting:

'We lately adverted to the insurrection in Chinese Tartary, upon the authority of the Malacca Observer.' Ili or Gulja, the headquarters of the Chinese military government of that country, is but little known, and the following account of it, from the Magasin Asiatique,' may not be uninteresting at this moment. The only notice of it, we remember to have seen elsewhere, is given by Mr. Moorcroft's Moonshee,' and precursor, Izzet Ullah, a translation of whose interesting travels is to be found in the Calcutta' Quarterly Magazine.' As, however, Izzet Ullah did not visit Ili, his notice is less satisfactory than that which Klaproth has published.

Oriental Herald, Vol. 16.

M

The following account of the place is given by Poutimstew, who was there in 1811:

Gulja, or Gulja Kure, called also Jang-Khiun Khoto, or city of the military government, is built upon the right bank of the Ili, which is here very lofty. The river rises at the distance of two hundred versts in the Tekes and Talki mountains, and empties itself into the Balkhchi lake. Gulja is surrounded by a wall of square stones, three toises high, without a ditch or outworks, with the exception of a brick wall, extending along the banks of Ili for about one hundred toises, and much delapidated. This city, although the seat of the Government, is not at all superior to those of Yarkend, Khotan, and Koucha, inhabited by Mohammedans or Kashmir of the Kera Katay or Bayarder of the Manchoos. It contains about ten thousand houses, few of which are of any size, and the streets are narrow and dirty. There are several splendid temples, in which shows and entertainments are exhibited daily. The Mohammedans have several mosques. The principal part of the population is formed of the people called by the Chinese Kara Kitai Nogonlouk, and Topgan. The last consider themselves to be the descendants of the soldiers of Timur Askak, or Tamerlane. They are bigoted Islamites, but speak Chinese, and have adopted all the vices as well as the dress and habits of that nation.

"When the Chinese became masters of the six Mohammedan cities, Yarkend, Kashghar, Khoten, Kouna-urphen, Turfan, and Oochi, about sixty years ago, they sent one thousand men from each city, and six thousand more from different Tartar tribes, to the territory of Gulja, in order to cultivate the ground to raise grain for the troops stationed there. A small portion of these were fixed in the town, the rest were scattered over the adjacent country.

Although the resident population of Gulja is still inconsiderable, it is a place of great resort, being the mart at which merchants from the heart of China meet those from western Asia, or from Bukharia Kokend, Mirgilan, Taskend, and even from Kashmir and Hindoostan. The latter bring inferior muslin, silk-cottons, shawls, and white cotton cloth, called beize. The traders take up their quarters without the town, the streets of which are always crowded with traders and artisans, and well supplied with taverns and tea-drinking houses. Travellers and unmarried men invariably dine and sup at the taverns, and even families send to them for their meals. In the tea-rooms there is constant smoking, occasioning a heat and stench quite intolerable to those unaccustomed to them. Gambling-houses are also common, and much frequented, especially by the Topgan and Kara Katai.

'The inhabitants of Gulja, and the neighbouring towns, are industrious, and addicted to commercial pursuits. The Chinese exercise different handicrafts, and are blacksmiths, cutlers, carpenters, and jewellers. The Topgan keep inns, cultivate gardens, and are retail shop

keepers. The Mohammedans are equally cultivators, traders, and mechanics. The Monguls rear cattle, and cultivate the soil. A considerable traffic takes place here in oxen and horses, which are sold to the Kirghiz, who supply the troops with them, or sell them to the people of Urumsi. The rest of the horses are sent to the Government studs, which are always kept up to the full complement, although individuals are permitted to procure from them horses to replace such as they may lose. The Government purchase cattle with the . white cotton cloths which they buy with silver from the Mohammedans. Russian goods are chiefly broad-cloth and leather, but they are admitted only as coming from the Sultans of the Kirghiz ; part is applied to the wants of the army, and the rest sold to agents from Pekin.

'The impediments thrown in the way of the trade with Russia, deprive the Chinese of many advantages. An unrestricted commerce with that country would attract merchants from all quarters to Gulja, and an extensive interchange of commodities be readily effected, to the profit of all parties.

'Goods brought to Gulja are not subject to any fixed impost. On the great road from Western Asia, which passes by Yarkend, Khoten, Kashghar, and Aksu, a duty is levied in those cities of one in thirty on every kind of merchandise. Horses and camels are free.

'The people of Gulja pay a monthly tax in silver, according to their occupations. The Mohammedan colonists cultivate the public lands, and are, therefore, not taxed in any way; each is bound to send to the imperial granaries eight sacks, each about six pounds and a half of rice, pease, barley, flour, and millet. This contribution is exacted from every individual between the ages of twenty and fifty, and the sons succeed to the labours of their fathers. Whatever grain is required for the troops is distributed from this source, and the rest is preserved in the imperial granaries. In 1809, three years' store having been spoiled through neglect, the Jang-giun was obliged to make good the loss to the Government.

'The Jang-giun is the military governor of the province, and commandant of the troops; he has a council of five officers, and is assisted by the three chiefs of the Kara Katai, Mohammedans and Toup-gan. His body-guard consists of 120 Manchoos, who are the only people that regularly discharge military service. The rest of the force, consisting of the different Nomadic tribes, is only employed occasionally, and, at other times, the individuals composing it follow their avocations. This force is wholly cavalry, and consists of 28,000 men, in five divisions, one of 4000, and four of 6000 each, which perform the military duty of the frontier alternately. The men are armed with sabres, lances, and bows and arrows. In time of peace, each provides his own horse and arms; in time of war, they are supplied by the Government. No artillery is attached to

this force, and the guns in the city appear to be kept only for cere, monial salutes; they are small, of iron, and are not mounted.common

Fifty versts from Gulja Kure is Gulja, a large town, governed by a Jang-giun, and inhabited by Mohammedans. Gulja Kure, or Ili, is situated in north latitude 42° 26', and east longitude 82° 48'.

The following observations on the expense of the smaller Governments of India, are given in the shape of a letter to the Editor of The Bengal Hurkaru': 1

A report is prevalent that we are to have one, if not two, new Governments in Upper and Central India. After the failure which has already attended the establishment of petty Governments in other parts of India, it is quite surprising that the home authorities should still persevere in these idle and expensive projects. One would really have thought that making Bencoolen and Penang presidencies, and the former a lieutenant-government, more than sufficient to bring discredit and ridicule upon such schemes. Neither is the anomalous government recently created in the Straits of Malacca likely, from all accounts, to retrieve the reputation of petty governments. The cause of all this is very obvious, and I shall proceed to explain it in a few words. A small government is only good and respectable, when the state is free, and the administration popular, We have examples of such governments, where the people control the expenditure of their own money, and make their own laws in ancient Greece, in Italy in the middle ages, and, in the present day, in the confederation of the Anglo-American States. If a government be neither free nor popular, the larger it is the better it is likely to be administered. China, for example, is better governed than a Malay principality; and the Mogul Government was far better than that of any Hindoo Rajah. Of all our Indian Presidencies, that of Bengal, although not absolutely perfection, is incomparably the most liberal and enlightened. In the spirit in which it is administered, it is at least half a century a-head of those of Madras or Bombay. For proof of this, look to the state of the public press, and of municipal law, at the three Presidencies. At Calcutta there is something like British feeling and British spirit. The genius which prevails at the other two is purely AsiaticA considerable government acquires a certain elevation of sentiment and conduct from the very importance of the subjects brought before it, and it has too much to do to meddle in trifles; a petty government, from sheer idleness, busies itself in a thousand trifles which are not within the province of governments at all. In short, its great vice is over-government; a great government has an extensive patronage, and is generally disposed to rest satisfied with what it possesses. A petty government, on the contrary, is always ambitious, and seeks every possible means of extending its influence and grasping at authority. When it cannot do so abroad, it is sure, us

already mentioned, to meddle in the affairs of private individuals at home. It is naturally jealous of its subjects, and, in return, runs a considerable risk of incurring the "hatred and contempt" which it pretends to deprecate. Another decided advantage of a large government, and which a small one necessarily cannot possess, is this, that it has always a considerable public which silently if not openly guides or controls its acts, and to which, whether it choose to acknowledge it or not, it is always more or less responsible.

'Subordinate places, without free institutions, are always better administered by the local officers of a superior government than by independent governments of their own. Such local officers are not above public opinion in the societies in which they reside. Of themselves they can do little or no harm, for every thing must be referred to a superior authority. That authority, at least, will not be disposed to interfere too much, for it will not only be too much Occupied with its own immediate concerns, but will not always be a very competent judge of subjects referred to it. The dependency will thus thrive as if it were from neglect, or, at least, from being spared the mortifications and impertinencies of over-government. Penang and Singapore, while they were petty residencies, as they ought always to have continued to be, were cheaply and tolerably managed. Their expenses could not have exceeded four lacs of rupees a-year between them. They are now, from all accounts, six times as much, and, to say the least of it, certainly without being six times as well governed. Mal-administration and extravagance are the inevitable consequences of petty and irresponsible governments. That most exquisite of all jobs, Bencoolen, cost latterly, I am told, about 130,000l. a-year; this payment may be said to have been laid out for no other purpose than to maintain a charnel-house. If the experiment, had answered as a beacon, to warn us against the danger of similar experiments, the money might still be considered as well spent, but it is clear it has not..

9-od will venture to predict, that if the reported governments be established in Central India, the Civil establishments will be trebled, and the administration of the countries subject to them not one whit improved. There is no community in that remote part of India that can influence the conduct of those in authority; the local chiefs will have none around them but flatterers and expectants. For every material act of the local Government, the Governor-General will still be responsible to the Indian Government at home, as well as to the Parliament. The Supreme Government will not only have to undergo the drudgery which it at present undergoes on account of the administration of the countries in question, but also the labour which will arise from the passion of the local Government for making work for itself and others. If the duties are at present too onerous for the public functionaries at the seat of the Supreme Governmenty the easy and obvious remedy, as far as the present