MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. to all the enemies of Great Britain; the advantages of a contraband trade making the Dutch regardless of the faith of treaties, and of every other consideration. ReThe new parliament met on the 31st of October. monstrances were made on this subject by the British The first debate was occasioned by the election of a ambassador at the Hague, but without effect. The speaker. Sir Fletcher Norton had given offence to States General were determined to follow their own ministers during the last session, and Lord George line of policy, and the breach thus made between the Germaine, urging the precarious state of Sir Fletcher's two countries gradually widened as the war with Ame- health, moved that Mr. Cornwall should fill the chair. rica progressed. It was easy to foresee, indeed, that Sir Fletcher and his friends replied, that his health was sooner or later Holland would be joined to the long list now re-established, and that Lord George Germaine's of our open enemies. An event which occurred early condolence was a mockery of the house; and Dunning in September of this year, led to such a consummation. moved that he should be continued speaker. The At that time a congress packet was taken by the house was divided on his re-election, but opposition Vestal frigate off the banks of Newfoundland, as it was were left in a minority of one hundred and thirty-four steering its course towards Holland. On board this to two hundred and three: Mr. Cornwall was therefore packet was Henry Laurens, the late president of con- elected speaker. His majesty delivered his opening gress; who, as soon as he perceived that he should be speech on the following day. In it he declared his captured, threw a box containing papers overboard. satisfaction in having an opportunity, by the recent The lead which was attached to this box was not suf- election, of receiving the most certain information of ficiently heavy to sink it immediately, and a British the disposition and wishes of his people; and again sailor leaped into the sea and caught it as it was sink-complained of the unprovoked aggression of France and ing. The papers which it contained were found to con- Spain, who were exerting all their power to support tain a treaty of amity and commerce between the repub- the rebellion of his colonies, to destroy the commerce lic of Holland and the States of America, some articles of Great Britain, and to give a final blow to her power. of which had been provisionally agreed to and signed He added, that the bravery of his fleets and armies had two years before at Aix-la-Chapelle, by William Lee, enabled him to withstand their hostility; and that he agent for congress, and John de Neufville, a merchant hoped the late successes in Georgia and Carolina would of Amsterdam, acting under powers delegated to him have important consequences in bringing the war to a by Van Berkel, the grand pensionary of that city. happy conclusion. The opposition denied that the Laurens, the bearer of these papers, was brought to successes obtained in America were likely to be deciEngland, and committed to the Tower on a charge of sive, and an amendment was moved in the house of high-treason; and our government transmitted the commons by Mr. Thomas Grenville, consisting in the papers to their ambassador at the Hague, and instructed omission of several complimentary paragraphs, but it him to present a memorial to the States General, rewas negatived by two hundred and twelve against one quiring them to disavow the proceedings of Van Berkel hundred and thirty. In the upper house there was but and his accomplices, and to punish them for their little debate, and the original address was carried by offence. No answer was returned to this memorial on an equally large majority. The same success attended the 12th of December, and Sir Joseph Yorke sent in ministers with reference to the army and navy estianother, expressing, in diplomatic language, his aston- mates, which were carried by such large majorities as ishment at the silence of the States General. The served to remind Lord North of the earlier years of his truth was, that although the Statholder neither ap- administration, and to efface the recollection of the proved of the treaty with the United States nor of war narrow divisions and minorities of the last session. with England, the great trading interest of Amsterdam the course of the debates on the estimates, Fox pledged and the whole French party in Holland were eager for himself to move, after the Christmas holidays, for the the completion of the treaty, and fondly imagined that dismissal of the Earl of Sandwich, and afterwards to Great Britain, through the number and power of her bring him to condign punishment. He should found enemies and the Armed Neutrality, must succumb. these motions, he said, on two different causes: first, Hence the memorial of the British ambassador was for Sandwich's having advised his majesty to promote still treated with silent contempt, and there was no al- Sir Hugh Palliser to the government of Greenwich ternative left for our government but to declare war Hospital; and, secondly, for his having shamefully negagainst Holland. Sir Joseph Yorke was recalled, and lected the navy. This led to a display of fierce party a royal manifesto was issued, declaring that Great Bri- spirit, which was subsequently renewed from a remark tain had issued letters of reprisals against the Dutch, made by Mr. Thomas Townshend; namely, that he and justifiying her conduct in taking this hostile step. thought it was highly necessary that the house should This manifesto was issued, on the 20th of December, inquire why, in this season of public danger, the nation and it would appear that the States General were was deprived of the services and abilities of such men alarmed at this firmness of the British government, for as Admiral Keppel, Lord Howe, Sir Robert Harland, they did not put forth their answer to the manifesto of Pigot, Campbell, and Barrington. This remark was his Britannic majesty till the March following. The made on the 4th of December, and in the course of the States General were, in truth, ill prepared for war with debate which ensued, Mr. Fox having again censured England, and they had soon reason to repent that they the promotion of Sir Hugh Palliser, Lord North had even provoked it: it brought them only loss and defended the unpopular admiral in one of his most degradation. ready and effective speeches. Two days after this the two houses of parliament adjourned to the 23rd of January. GENERAL ELECTION. Parliament was unexpectedly dissolved, on the 1st of September, by roy al proclamation. The elections proved to be much in favour of the court, for in several places the most popular members of the opposition side of the house lost their seats. In the whole, one hundred and thirteen new members were elected. Burke was returned, but in consequence of his support to the Irish Trade Acts, to the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, and to other measures of a liberal nature, he lost his seat for Bristol, and was compelled to be contented with the more humble one of the borough of Malton. Mr. Fox, after a hard struggle, was returned for Westminster. CHAPTER XII. In Notice of the Rupture with Holland-Burke re-introduces the Subject of Economical Reform, &c.-Debates on the Supplies-Motion on the Employment of the Military in the late Riots--Petition of the Delegates of the County Associations-The Marriage Act correctedMotion of Fox respecting the American War-Parliament prorogued Attack on Jersey-The Garrison of Gibraltar relieved-Revolt in Washington's Camp-Arnold's Expedition to Virginia, &c. Cornwallis's Expedition to Virginia-Siege of Lord Cornwallis in York Town-Loss of the British Dominion in Florida-Attack on Minorca French and Spanish Fleets in the English ChannelNaval Action with the Dutch-Capture of St. Eustatius--Commodore Johnstone attacked by de Suffrein, &c.--Further Operations in the West Indies-Sentiments of Foreign Powers ward England Lord A.D. 1781. HOLLAND. On the 25th of January Lord North delivered a message from the king, in which his majesty acquainted the house, that during the recess he had been compelled to direct letters of marque and general reprisal to be issued against the States General of the United Provinces. A copy of the manifesto and sundry other papers were laid before the house, in order that the members might be fully acquainted with the causes and motives of his majesty in directing these letters. Having delivered his message, Lord North moved, "That an address be presented to his majesty, assuring him that the house would, with a firm and determined resolution, support the just and necessary war against Holland, for the maintenance of the honour of his crown, and the rights and interests of his people." This motion was opposed by the opposition, Burke taking the lead in the debate. In his speech, Burke declared that ministers had been in fault rather than the Dutch, and that the paper found in the box of the captured American packet, was nothing more than a project or draft of a treaty, which possibly the Dutch would never have completed. So far as they knew, he said, it might be merely a speculative essay," or a "contemplative prospect;" and therefore it was no justifiable or assignable ground for going to war with them. These were arguments, however, for party purposes; opposition conceived that the declaration of war between England and Holland was setting the seal to Lord North's political embarrassments, and therefore they adopted this line of argument in order to suit their own views. It was, indeed, notorious that government had strenuously endeavoured to avoid an open rupture with Holland, and that it was not till the British honour was at stake that war was declared. But ministers were in no danger from the arguments of opposition on this question. A majority of nearly two to one agreed with Lord North and the manifesto, and exclaimed against the insolence, the selfishness, and the ingratitude of the States General. In the house of lords, also, the address was carried by a large majority; but two protests were recorded by the dissentient peers against this new war "with the ancient and natural allies of the kingdom." BURKE RE-INTRODUCES THE SUBJECT OF ECONOMICAL REFORM, ETC. On the 15th of February, after some debates on the affairs of India, Mr. Burke re-produced his scheme of economical reform which had been rejected in the last session. He opened his proposition by stating the powerful motives that called upon him to resume that subject. These motives were the celebrated resolutions of the late parliament, respecting the alarming increase of the influence of the crown; the general wish and expectation of the people; and the direct application made to himself and others from several counties and associations. It seems probable that he was chiefly induced to renew the subject through the influence of the associations, which, notwithstanding the scenes which had occurred through them in the metropolis during the last year, still endeavoured to stimulate opposition by inflammatory resolutions, not only against fancied invasions of public rights, but against the license supposed to be now granted to military authority. At this period, indeed, political associations had acquired considerable strength and consistency, and their danger was increased by the new and unconstitutional measure of appointing delegates to transact their business in the capital, and to promote the objects of their petitions. Their chief is object was a reduction of expenditure, but with this they coupled what was afterwards called a "Radical Reform" of the house of commons. It was notorious that Burke received from these associations many complimentary addresses, for his efforts in the cause of reform, and he seems from hence to have been stimulated to renew the subject in the house. This, indeed, indicated by his allusion to the associations. Attel, making this allusion, Burke, in continuing his speech, said that the nation was involved in expenses which reached the utmost limits of the public ability, and that framed and carried into execution such a scheme of as it was originally the duty of ministers to have economy as he now brought forward, so it was their making some amends for their former neglect. Burke interest to secure themselves from punishment by displayed considerable address in his appeal to this new house. The three resolutions of the late parliament, he said, were a valuable legacy bequeathed to the public, and an atonement for previous servility; adding, that they formed a body of maxims, authorizing the people to expect from their present representatives, that which was declared to be necessary by their preaccomplish what the previous parliament had designed, decessors if the present parliament neglected to all the evil consequences would be charged upon them; and while the resolutions of the 6th of April would stand upon their journals as public monuments of exculpation to their predecessors, they would likewise fallacy of M. Neckar's financial measures in France stand as public monuments of disgrace to them. The was not yet made manifest, and Burke again applauded the economical achievements of that states man, and held up the example of France, both as a warning and an encouragement. In conclusion he better regulation of his majesty's civil establishments moved, "That leave be given to bring in a bill for the and of certain public offices; for the limitation of pensions and the suppression of sundry useless expenses saved thereby to the public service." This motion was and inconvenient places, and for applying the monies seconded by Mr. Duncombe, and leave was given to bring in the bill without opposition; Lord North de claring that he would reserve his objections to the 26th of February, when there was a long and animated second reading. The second reading took place on the debate on the measure. One of the most remarkable speeches on this occasion was delivered by the Hon. William Pitt, second son of the late Earl of Chatham, who now spoke for the first time in the house of commons. William Pitt, on whom the mantle of his father seems to have fallen, announced himself as an ardent reformer and lover of strict economy. One great object, he said, of all the petitions which had been presented, was a recommendation of economy in the public expenditure, and the design of the present bill was to carry these wishes into effect. The bill had still another object more important in view, and that was the reduction of the influence of the crown ; an influence which was the more to be dreaded, because more secret in its attacks, and more concealed in its operations than the power of prerogative. Pitt then adverted to the objections which had been made to the bill, and which he termed extraordinary, inasmuch as it only proposed to bring about £200,000 into the public coffers; an insignificant sum when compared with the millions annually expended. He continued:"What then is the conclusion we are left to deduce? The calamities of the present crisis are too great to be benefited by economy. Our expenses are so enormous, that it is useless to give ourselves any concern about them: we have spent and are spending so much, that it is foolish to think of saving anything. Such is the language which the opponents of this bill have virtu ally employed. It has also been said that the king's civil list was an irresumable parliamentary grant, and it had even been compared to a private freehold. The weakness of such arguments was their best refu X entered a protest against the bill on the journals. Subsequently the subject was revived in the commons, by a motion of Sir George Saville for the appointment of a committe to inquire into the circumstances of the loan. Sir George argued, that though the bargain had been ratified, it was yet not too late to pass a vote of censure, or even of impeachment, on the minister who had thus grossly and daringly sacrificed the interests of the public. A vehement debate followed this motion; but it was lost by a majority of two hundred and | nine against one hundred and sixty-three. MOTION ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF THE tation. The civil list revenue was granted to his majesty, not for his private use, but for the support of the executive government of the state. It was granted to support the dignity and interests of the empire, to maintain its grandeur, to pay the judges, and foreign ministers, to maintain justice and support respect, to pay the great officers necessary to the lustre of the crown; and it was proportioned to the dignity and opulence of the people. The parliament made the grant, and undoubtedly had a right to resume it when the pressure of the times rendered such resumption necessary." The youthful orator, who was listened to with deep attention by both sides of the house, declared, in conclusion, that he considered the present bill as essential to the well-being and independence of It must have been very clear to any unprejudiced the country, and he would therefore give it his most mind, that the employment of the military in the supdetermined support. Opposition, however, were out-pression of the London riots of the preceding summer, voted by a majority of forty-three; the motion for the second reading being negatived by two hundred and thirty-three against one hundred and ninety. By a subsequent resolution the further consideration of Burke's bill was put off for six months. About the same time several other popular measures proposed in the last session were revived, as the bills against contractors and revenue-officers, and for imposing a tax on places and pensions, but they were all defeated by considerable majorities. DEBATES ON THE SUPPLIES. Mr. so far from being premature, had not been resorted to in time to save the city from the ravages of a lawless mob. At this time, however, as in many preceding years, no stone was left unturned by opposition whereby there was the remotest chance of bringing ministers into public contempt. They were assailed at every point wherein they were considered vulnerable; and one attack was but the precursor of another. Brinsley Sheridan, who had made his first speech during last November, and had won golden opinions by his oratory on that occasion, moved three propositions: the first declaring that the military force could not justifiably be applied in dispersing tumulLord North had soon another contest to sustain. tuous assemblies, without waiting for directions from On the 7th of March he brought forward his annual civil magistrates, unless outrages had broken out with statement of the supplies and resources for the current such violence as to overcome civil authority, and service. The sum demanded for the year was threaten the subversion of legal government; the se£22,458,337, twelve of which, he stated it would be cond affirming that the unprecedented order to the necessary to raise by a loan. The terms were military on the 7th of June last, afforded strong preunusually high. A contract had been entered into sumption of the defective state of the police; and the with the subscribers to grant £150 stock at three per third for the appointment of a committee to inquire· cent., and twenty-five at four per cent. for every £100 into the conduct of the magistracy and civil power in money, being £9,000,000 more than the sum paid during the riots. Sheridan delivered a severe philipinto the exchequer. To defray the interest of this pic against the administration, which was adorned with loan new taxes would be required to the amount of glowing periods, and abounded in bitter invectives; but £660,000 annually; that is £60,000 more than the legal after a long debate, in which the government were interest of five per cent., exclusive of which, as the fully vindicated from all blame, all the motions were subscription to the loan bore a premium of ten per negatived. On this occassion, however, Sheridan obcent., the further sum of £1,200,000 appeared to be lost tained the reputation of a first-rate orator, which proto the nation. Mr. Fox reprobated this bargain, as the bably pleased him more than he would have been had most corrupt in its origin, the most shameful in its his propositions received the sanction of the house. progress, and the most injurious in its consequences that ever came under the notice of the house. The profits of the loan were estimated by him at about £1,000,000, and this sum, he said, was entirely at the disposal, and in the hands of the minister, to be granted Fox also PETITION OF THE DELEGATES OF THE sociations in London, they were busied in getting up house of commons, in which they attempted to combine all the complaints of the nation, and all the prayers for gates, however, were compelled to sign their petition economical and parliamentary reform. These delemerely as individual freeholders, and not in their delegated character, inasmuch as the general sense of the house was known to be against them. Their exertions, indeed, had been matter of frequent allusion during this session; and while the few applauded them as enlightened and devoted patriots, the many denounced them as factious demagogues. Their petition was presented on the 2nd of April by Mr. Duncombe; but it was suffered to lie on the table until the recovery of Sir George Saville, who had undertaken to move for referring the petition to a committee. Sir George made this motion on the 8th of May; but the contents of the petition, and the unconstitutional character of the delegates, were severely reprobated; and the motion was lost by a majority of two hundred and twelve against one hundred and thirty-five. in douceurs to the members of that house, either as compensations for the expenses of their late elec-meetings of their own, and in preparing a petiton to the tions, or as bribes for future services. strongly objected to a proposed lottery, which was a part of the loan scheme, as a means of raising money for the public service. Taught by experience-for Fox was at this time reduced to a miserable state of embarrassment and dependence, from his love of the gambling table-he delivered an impressive harangue on the vice of gambling, and declared that lotteries were the most pernicious of all species of gaming inasmuch as they immediately affected the morals, habits, and circumstances of the lower orders of society. Lord North defended both the loan and the lottery, and asserted that the £12,000,000 could not have been obtained upon easier conditions. Fox had moved that the clause respecting the lottery should be omitted; but this was rejected by one hundred and sixty-nine against one hundred and eleven, and the minister's measures were all passed. The matter, however, did not end here. Opposition to the loan bill was renewed under a variety of forms while passing through the lower house; and when carried to the Lords, it encountered the severe censure of the Marquess of Rockingham, and others of his party. Eight peers THE MARRIAGE ACT CORRECTED. king's bench, that a clause in the Marriage Act of 1751 rendered all marriages unlawful whereof the banns had been published in churches or chapels erected since the passing of the act. This decision would have dissolved thousands of marriages hitherto supposed to be valid, and would also have rendered their offspring illegitimate, had not the legislature interfered. A bill was brought in by Lord Beauchamp, which had a retrospective operation, in order to render such marriages valid and their issue legitimate. This bill was adopted by both houses unanimously; and it received the royal assent early in June. After it had passed, Fox, who inherited his father's dislike to the whole of the marriage Act, brought in a bill for amending or rather repealing it in toto. Fox's motion, which was rejected without a division, excited much notice from the circumstance that it brought him into collision for the first time with Burke, his bosom friend. Burke as strenuously supported the original act, as Fox opposed it; considering that "it hit the just mean between a mischievous restraint and that laxity which formerly occasioned so much disorder." Each supported their own views with their known abilities. MOTION OF FOX RESPECTING THE On the 30th of May, Colonel Hartley moved for leave to bring in a bill vesting the crown with sufficient powers to treat, consult, and finally agree upon the means of restoring peace with the provinces of North America. This motion was rejected by a large majority, but a few days afterwards intelligence arrived of reverses in North Carolina, which emboldened the opposition to recur to the subject. On the 12th of June, Fox moved that the house should resolve itself into a committee to consider of the American war; and at the same time he gave notice that he intended to move in committee "That his majesty's ministers ought immediately to take every possible measure for concluding peace with our American colonies." In his speech, Fox contended that success by force of arms was impossible, and expressed his belief that the Americans would have treated upon far more moderate and honourable conditions than they ever entertained a notion of admitting. The orators on both sides went over the whole history of the war; but their oratory was chiefly remarkable for its mutual recrimination: each party endeavouring to throw the blame upon the other. In the course of the debate the memory of Chatham was treated with disrespect. It was urged by some, that he had been one cause of the dispute, or of the ill-success which had attended its management; that his notions were contradictory; and that if one of his leading principles was to be followed the war would never end. William Pitt rose to defend the character of his father; but his eloquence failed to reconcile the manifest contradictions which had appeared in the proceedings of that great statesman. When he had performed this duty, Pitt proceeded to state his own opinion on the subject of the American war. marked:-"The war was conceived in injustice, nurtured in folly, and its footsteps are marked with slaughter and devastation. It exhibits the height of moral depravity and human turpitude. The nation is drained of its best blood and its vital resources, for which nothing is received in return but a series of inefficient victories or disgraceful retreats; victories obtained over men struggling in the holy cause of liberty, or defeats which filled the land with mourning for the loss of dear and valuable relatives, slain in a detested and impious quarrel." Some members, however, argued that the Americans might yet be subdued; while others doubted whether at this moment, when they were backed by France, Spain, and Holland, they would not treat all overtures with contumely. It was also questioned whether the house could, or ought to interfore with the prerogative of the crown; in which was He re vested the power of peace and war, and whether they could bind the sovereign by their resolution, which was not likely to be adopted by the lords. Moreover, on both sides of the house there were men who still shrunk from the idea of recognizing the independence of America, and hence, when the house divided the motion was rejected by one hundred and seventy-two against ninety-nine. PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. This session terminated on the 18th of July. In his speech the king thanked the members for their long attendance, their loyalty, and their affection. At this time a prospect of brilliant successes had opened in India, and that the British would build up an empire more vast in its extent than that for which they were contending in the West. His majesty dwelt at some length upon this subject, and warmly applauded measures adopted, or in progress, for checking abuses in these possessions, and for making our conquests mutually advantageous to the natives and ourselves. On the subject of America he remarked :-" While I lament the continuance of the present troubles, and the extension of the war, I have the conscious satisfaction to reflect, that the constant aim of my councils has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and see the tranquillity of Europe restored. To defend the dominion and to maintain the rights of this country was on my part the sole cause, and was the only object of the war. Peace is the earnest wish of my heart; but I have too firm a reliance on the spirit and resources of the nation, and the powerful assistance of my parliament, and the protection of a just and allruling Providence, to accept it upon any other terms than such as may consist with the honour and dignity of my crown, and the permanent interests and security of my people." At the time when his majesty delivered this speech there was indeed no prospect of peace: war raged on every hand. ATTACK ON JERSEY. Early in this year the French, under the Baron de Rullecourt, made another attempt upon the island of Jersey. Its little capital was captured by night, and Major Corbet, the lieutenant-governor, signed a capitulation for the surrender of the whole island. Major Pierson, however, was not so pusillanimous. Collecting all the force he could, he fell upon the French invaders in the market-place of St. Heliers, and, being assisted by the towns-people, killed a great many of them, and captured the rest. But unfortunately Pierson was himself killed by almost the last shot fired by the French. At the commencement of the action the Baron de Rullecourt received several wounds, of which In the he died immediately after the surrender. whole, nearly eight hundred French were either killed or taken, and they had previously lost two hundred men in a terrible storm which overtook them at the commencement of their expedition, and which drove back many of their vessels to their own ports. This affair cost Major Corbet his honour: he was tried by a court-martial, and deprived of his commission of lieu tenant-governor. The states erected a splendid monument in the town-church to the memory of the gallan Major Pierson. THE GARRISON OF GIBRALTAR RELIEVED. The garrison of Gibraltar, at the commencement of this year, were again reduced to great straits by the persevering Spaniards. The supplies which Rodney had thrown in the year before were nearly exhausted; and some vessels which had been accustomed to run down from Minorca and some of the Italian ports were captured by the French and Spanish cruisers. Under these cir cumstances, one of the first efforts of the campaign was the relief of this important place. Admiral Darby was appointed to this important service. After escorting the East and West India trade to a certain latitude, Darby arrived off Cadiz, where he saw the Spanish fleet at anchor. While, therefore, he forwarded the convoy with provisions, stores, etc., to Gibraltar, with some ships of the line and frigates to cover them, Darby remained with the rest of his fleet, cruizing between Cadiz Bay and the mouth of the Straits of Gibraltar, watching the enemy. The Spanish admiral, Cordova, had boasted that he would meet the English at sea; but upon second thought, he considered himself safer where he was, and still remained at anchor. The convoy got safe into the harbour, where it was hailed with transports of joy by the half-famished soldiers on the rocky heights of Gibraltar; and their cheers were responded to by those below. The succours were landed with very little difficulty, and Darby then returned to the Channel station. The Spaniards were disheartened by this success of the British, and were mortified by the circumstance that their grand fleet had cowered before an inferior force; but they were again encouraged by promises of co-operation from France, and therefore still continued the siege. REVOLT IN WASHINGTON'S CAMP. The earliest events of this year were unfavourable to the American cause. For some months all discipline had been relaxed in Washington's camp; the officers and men alike being dissatisfied with the treatment which they received from congress. They were on the point of starvation; and though they had long endured their hardships, on the night of the 1st of January, the Pennsylvania line, which was hutted at Morris Town in the Jerseys, turned out to the number of 1300 men, and declared that they would march to the seat of congress, and either obtain redress or return to their homes. After committing some excesses on those officers who opposed their movement, the men marched to Princeton. They were followed on the next day by General Wayne and his staff, with many officers who were supposed to possess their confidence, in the hope that they would be able either to bring them back to their duty, or to sow dissensions among them. Wayne came up with them near Middle Brook; but the demands of the revolted troops were such as he could not grant; and he therefore referred them to congress. The men continued their march to Princeton for that purpose; and while there, emissaries arrived from Sir Henry Clinton, with tempting offers to them, and with the suggestion that they should take up a position behind the South River, when he would soon cover them with detachments from the royal army in New York. The mutineers, however, showed themselves true to the cause of liberty, for they not only rejected Clinton's tempting offers, but communicated them to General Wayne, with assurances that, though they had left the American camp, they would never go over to the British. At the same time they seized Clinton's emissaries, and kept them in their own hands; they refused to leave Princeton; resolved that none of their former officers should enter their camp; and ordered Lafayette and others, who had presented themselves as mediators, to return immediately. Soon after, a committee of congress, the governor of Pennsylvania, and a part of his council came into the neighbourhood of Princeton to negociate with the revolters. A conference took place between the sergeants of the revolted troops and the committee; when the latter offered these propositions:-That congress would discharge all those who had enlisted for three years; and that they would give immediate certificates for the depreciation on their pay, settle their arrears as soon as they were able, and furnish the men with such clothing as they required forthwith. The sergeants agreed to distribute these propositions among the troops for consideration; and after due deliberation the mutineers agreed to march to Trenton, to meet their officers and commanders. At Trenton, the terms offered by congress were accepted; and then the mutineers gave up Sir Henry Clinton's emissaries, who were all hanged as spies. But mutiny did not end here. Encouraged by the success of the Pennsylvania line, a part of the Jersey brigade, stationed at Pompton, flew to arms, and marched to Chatham to join another part of the same brigade; and these all demanded the same terms which had been granted to the Pennsylvanian mutineers. In the former instance, Washington, probably wishing that congress should be made to feel that the grievances of the troops must be redressed, and that the army must be treated with greater respect, had not taken any measures for bringing back the mutineers to their duty. On this occasion, however, foreseeing that continued revolts would tend to the disorganization of his army, he sent General How to Chatham with a considerable force, and with orders to make no terms with the revolted brigade while in a state of resistance. He even instructed How, after the brigade should surrender, to seize a few of the ringleaders and put them to death on the spot. How's task was not a very arduous one, for the mutineers at Chatham scarcely amounted to more than two hundred men; and he surrounded them in their quarters, seized a few of the ringleaders, and executed them according to Washington's orders, and reduced the rest to submission. These revolts alarmed congress; and they contrived to raise three months' pay in specie, and to obtain a quantity of clothes, which they forwarded to the camp, in order to prevent further defection. this was only a temporary remedy for the evil; and as the inhabitants were distressed in order to satisfy the soldiers, congress resolved to seek a loan from France. Lieutenant-colonel Laurens, son of the prisoner in the Tower, was sent on this commission to the court of Versailles; and at the same time, Mr. Jay, the young lawyer, who was now installed as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Madrid, was instructed to press the court of Spain for co-operation and direct assistance. It is evident, indeed, that congress and the general officers of the army, all thought that the affairs of the Americans were in a desperate condition; and that if they did not speedily obtain assistance in money and troops from the Bourbons, the sun of liberty would be set for ever. Lafayette exerted his influence with M. de Vergennes, the French minister on this occasion. He furnished Laurens with a letter to him, in which he stated, that with a naval inferiority it was impossible to continue the war; that the resources of the country, great as they were, would be ineffectual unless money were sent; that the last campaign had been conducted without a single dollar; and that all that credit, persuasion, and force could do in the way of obtaining supplies had been done. In conclusion, he demanded clothes, arms, and ammunition, and represented that a great fleet, and a new division of 10,000 troops ought to be sent from France to New York, in order to destroy the power of the British on the continent. But ARNOLD'S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA, ETC. On the very day that the Pennsylvanian line revolted, General Arnold appeared in Hampton Road on the Chesapeak, to carry devastation into Virginia, Arnold had with him about 1200 men, part of whom were American royalists; and with this force he proceeded up James's River, and landed at Westover, about twenty-five miles distance from Richmond, the capital of Virginia. There were 50,000 enrolled militiamen in that province; but Jefferson, its governor, could only collect a few hundred, and therefore he was obliged to relinquish all hopes of defending the city Knowing the rapidity of Arnold's movements, he caused some of the public property to be removed to |