excesses; and his party was entirely | forces of their opponents had mainly excluded from the Dictatorial Govern- contributed to achieve. They had ment. flattered themselves that their weight, as the head of the powerful municipality of Paris, having the whole armed force of the capital at their command, would have been sufficient to have established them in all the offices of government; but they had been outwitted by Robespierre and the Committee of Public Salvation, who, equal to themselves in democratic energy and popular arts, were far their superiors in talent, and had the great advantage of being in possession of a preponderating influence in the Convention. Hence they strove to supplant them in the favour of the people by still louder 75. The leaders of the Moderates were Danton, Phillippeaux, Camille Desmoulins, Fabre d'Eglantine, and Westermann, the tried commander on 10th August. Their principles were, that terror was to be used only for the establishment of freedom, not made an instrument of oppression in the hands of those who had gained it; they wished above all things that the Republicans should remain masters of the field of battle, but, having done so, they proposed to use their victory with moderation. In pursuance of these principles, they reprobated the violent proceedings of the Dictators, after the vic-professions of popular zeal, and the tory of 31st May had insured the triumph of the populace; desired to humble the Anarchists of the municipality, to put an end to the Revolutionary Tribunal, discharge from confinement those imprisoned as suspected persons, and dissolve the despotic committees of government. They had been all-powerful with the multitude, as long as they urged on their excesses; but their influence had sensibly declined since they had withdrawn from an active part in public life, and were no longer to be seen, at the Jacobins or the Cordeliers, hounding on the people to deeds of violence or murder. The blasting reputation of moderatism had not only already undermined their power, but threatened to bring them to the scaffold. 76. The other party, that of the municipality, carried their ambition and extravagance even beyond the Decemvirs. Instead of government, they professed a desire to establish an extreme local democracy; instead of religion, the consecration of materialism. As usual in democratic contests, they pushed their revolutionary principles beyond the dominant faction, and strove thus to supplant them in the affections of the populace. They had witnessed, with extreme dissatisfaction, the committees usurp all the powers of government after the revolt of 31st May, and thus reap for themselves all the fruits of the victory which the open avowal of irreligious opinions. Hence the orgies of the Goddess of Reason, and other indecent mummeries, with which they captivated the populace of Paris, but, in the eyes of its abler and less selfish leaders, disgraced the Revolution. In cruelty, obscenity, and atheism, they exceeded the Dictatorial Government; but these were only means to an end. In the passion for tyrannical power they yielded to none, provided only it was wielded by themselves. 77. These two parties, as usual in civil dissensions, mutually reproached each other with the public calamities. The Anarchists incessantly charged the Moderates with corruption, and being the secret agents of foreign courts. The treason of Dumourier, who had been on terms of intimacy with Danton, was also made the subject of impassioned invective. "It is you," replied the Dantonists, "who are the real accomplices of the stranger; everything draws you towards them, both the common violence of your language, and the joint design to overturn the whole institutions of France. Behold the magistracy, which arrogates to itself more than legislative authority; which regulates everything - police, subsistence, worship; which has substituted a new religion for the old one; replaced one superstition by another still more absurd; which openly preaches atheism, and causes itself to be imi tated by all the municipalities in | life and property, have become the France. Consider those war-offices, organs of butchery, where robbery and from whence so many extortioners murder have usurped the names of issue, who carry desolation into the confiscation and punishment." Such provinces, and discredit the Revolution is the picture drawn of the result of by their conduct. Observe the muni- popular government by the man who cipality and the committees-what do was called the first apostle of liberty! they propose to themselves, if it is not And how striking the coincidence, that to usurp the executive and legislative in drawing with the pencil of Tacitus authority, to dispossess the Convention, a picture of Roman servitude under and dissolve the government? Who Nero and Caligula, he was exhibiting could suggest such a design but the a portrait, which none could fail to reexternal enemies of France?" cognise, of France, under the government which his own democratic transports had contributed to impose upon its inhabitants. 78. Camille Desmoulins, in his celebrated publication, entitled "Le Vieux Cordelier," drew, under a professed description of Rome under the Emperors, a striking picture of the horrors of that gloomy period. "Everything," said he, "under that terrible government, was made the groundwork of suspicion. Has a citizen popularity? He is a rival of the dictator, who might create disturbances. Does he avoid society, and live retired by his fireside? That is to ruminate in private on sinister designs. Is he rich? That renders the danger the greater, that he will corrupt the citizens by his largesses. Is he poor? None so dangerous as those who have nothing to lose. Is he thoughtful and melancholy? He is revolving what he calls the calamities of his country. Is he gay and dissipated? He is concealing, like Cæsar, ambition under the mask of pleasure. Is he virtuous and austere? He has constituted himself the censor of the government. Is he a philosopher, an orator, and a poet? He will soon acquire more consideration than the rulers of the state. Has he acquired reputation in war? His talents only render him the more formidable, and make it indispensable to get quit of his authority. The natural death of a celebrated man is become so rare, that historians transmit it as a matter worthy of record to future ages. Even the loss of so many great and good citizens seems a less calamity than the insolence and scandalous fortune of their denouncers. Every day the accuser makes his triumphal entry into the palace of death, and reaps the rich harvest which is presented to his hands. The tribunals, once the protectors of 79. Danton and his friends made the greatest efforts to detach Robespierre from the sanguinary faction with which he had so long acted, and at first with some appearance of success. The Convention, under his direction, had passed several decrees for the succour of the destitute, and for the establishment of a general system of public instruction, though the general confusion and corruption of inferior functionaries had prevented their being carried into execution. He had taken some steps to wards a moderate government; in the Convention he had publicly stopped the trial of the seventy-three deputies, who were detained in prison in consequence of having protested against the arrest of the Girondists. He had reprobated the ultra-revolutionary measures of Hébert and the municipality, and strongly condemned the anti-religious mummeries which had been acted in the Convention and Notre Dame. He had not only read, but corrected, the proof-sheets of the "Vieux Cordelier," where he was adjured in the most touching language to embrace the sentiments of humanity.* The Journal de * "O my dear Robespierre! it is to you the day when Pitt had none but you to overthat I now address myself: for I have seen come, when without you the good ship Argo would have foundered, the Republic plunged into chaos, and the societies of the Jacobins and the Mountain become a perfect Tower of Babel. Robespierre, you whose eloquent harangues posterity will study, bear in mind the lessons of history and philosophy, that love is stronger and more durable than fear; that admiration and religion attract benefits; that acts of clemency are the ladder by which la Montagne--a journal entirely under | in the Convention with the Goddess of his direction-had brought forward an Reason and the troop of opera-dancers, able article on the existence of a Su- Robespierre and St Just were observed preme Being, and the favourable influ- to cast a look of indignation on the ence of such a belief in a republican scene, and, rising up, they left the Ascommunity.* Already his popularity, sembly. That was the commencement in consequence, was on the wane. He of the revolution in favour of order and was accused of Moderatism, and the religion. Markworthy circumstance! groups of the Jacobins began to mur- The series of causes and effects which mur at his proceedings. overthrew the Revolution which had sprung from the atheistical doctrines of the philosophers, began with the practical application of those very doctrines themselves. 80. In truth, the Revolution had now reached its culminating point-THE REACTION HAD BEGUN. Robespierre, with all his fanaticism in favour of democracy, perceived, as strongly as any man in France, the necessity both of some religious impressions to act as a curb upon the passions of the people, and of a strong central government to check their excesses. He early felt a horror at the infidel atrocities of the municipality, and saw that such principles, if persisted in, would utterly disorganise society throughout the Republic. When Hébert, Chaumette, and the chiefs of the municipality, appeared the members of the Committee of Public Safety have elevated themselves even to heaven; that none ever mounted there by paths of blood. Already you give indications of adopting this idea, by the measure of which you have caused the decree to-day in the sitting of the decade of the 30th Frimaire."— Vieux Cordelier, 70, 71; LAMARTINE, Hist. des Girondins, vii. 394. As this is the extreme point of the extravagance of the Revolution, and the one when a reaction began from the effect of its own principles, the following extracts from the leading journals of the Anarchists, and of Robespierre, at the time, are well deserving of attention: In the journal of the former, it was stated: "Chance alone can direct a child to Quakerism, Judaism, Reformed or Catholic doctrines: it is most probable that his head would remain void of any system of religion, until he constructed one for himself, if that should some day occur to him; and such a marvel would be most efficacious in consolidating the structure of our liberty: for no nation is free while it has prejudices; and every one knows the powerful support lent to kings by the priests. Voltaire has said, 'If there were not a Deity, it would be necessary to invent one:' this maxim was invaluable in a monarchy; but in a Republic, and with a national education, I say, If my son wishes gods, he must invent them for himself.""-La Feuille du Salut Public, November 1, 1793. In the Journal de la Montagne, Number 158, it was answered, evidently by the hand 81. In accordance with the sanguinary spirit of the times, Robespierre resolved to begin the necessary reforms by the extermination of the Anarchists. The first indication of this determination appeared in his speech at the Jacobin Club on the 21st of November. "Let men," said he, "animated by a pure zeal, lay upon the altar of their country the useless and pompous monuments of superstition; but by what title does hypocrisy come here to mingle its The of Robespierre, though the article bears the signature of Charles Leveaux: "The author asserts pretty clearly that the belief in the existence of a God is useful to a monarchy, and that Atheism better suits a Republic. This assertion is absolutely false, and contradicted by all history. Two things are pernicious and fatal to the human racetwo things tend equally to the destruction of human society-atheism and superstition: but the idea of the existence of a Supreme Being has in all time been the basis of every civil, political, and domestic virtue. founders of the Roman republic had the greatest veneration for a Supreme Intelligence; and the sublime and inviolable devotion of the Romans to their oaths, was one of the means which most powerfully contributed to the formation of that masculine, firm, and dauntless character, in which originated the mighty deeds which will ever form the subjects of our admiration. But the Senate of Rome was atheist, when it had the baseness to sell the perpetual Dictatorship to Cæsar; it was atheist when it knelt slavishly to Augustus, the extinguisher of liberty; and it is under the reign of atheism that the human race has been ruled by a Tiberius, a Nero, a Caligula, who banished every spark of liberty from the earth. The idea of a Supreme Intelligence, which directs, and which is in itself the essence of the order which reigns in the universe, ought to be the basis of all civilised teaching, of every human society, of all public instruction."Journal de la Montagne, 9th November 1793, No. 158. 82. But while thus preparing the way for the destruction of the Anarchists, Robespierre saw that it was necessary to make a sacrifice to the revolutionary party, in order to avoid the blasting imputation of moderation, and keep up his reputation for unflinching resolution and incorruptible integrity. For this purpose he resolved, at the same time that he should cut off Hébert, Chaumette, and the Anarchists, to strike with equal severity against Danton, Camille Desmoulins, and the Moderate party. By so doing, he would keep up the appearance of even-handed justice, establish the supremacy of the Committee of Public Salvation over all the factions in the state, and remove the only rival that stood between him and sole dominion. But, though determined to destroy both, Robespierre was careful to avoid striking them at the same time. He had need of the one to aid him in effecting the ruin of the other. He even went so far as, at a political dinner at Duplay, where he met Hébert, to insinuate to him that a triumvirate, composed of Danton, Hébert, and himself, could alone save the Republic. Hébert rejected the proposal, however-saying that he could play only the part of the Aristophanes of the people. Hébert's wife, when they had gone, expressed her fears that such a proposal made and rejected would give mortal offence. "Reassure yourself," said Hébert, "I fear neither Danton nor Robespierre; let them come influence with that of patriotism? I am even more strongly attached to What right have men, hitherto un- moral and political truth than I have known in the career of the Revolution, hitherto divulged. If God did not to come into the midst of you, to seek exist, it would be necessary to invent in passing events a false popularity, to Him." * hurry on the patriots to fatal measures, and to throw among them the seeds of trouble and discord? By what title do they disturb the existing worship in the name of Liberty, and attack fanaticism by a band of another kind of fanatics? One would suppose, from the manner in which these men agree, that the Convention had proscribed the Catholic faith. It has done no such thing; it has, on the contrary, by a solemn decree, established the liberty of worship. It will alike proscribe the ministers of religion who disturb, and protect those who respect, the public peace. It is the Royalist, not the Catholic priesthood whom it has with justice persecuted. We have heard of priests being denounced for having said the mass: they will only say it the longer for being disturbed. He who would prevent them is more fanatical than he who celebrates the ceremony. There are men who would go farther who, under the pretence of destroying superstition, would establish atheism itself. Every philosopher, every individual, is at liberty to adopt whatever opinion he pleases: whoever imputes it to him as a crime is a fool; but the legislature would be a thousand times more blamable which should act on such a system. The Convention abhors all such attempts. It is no maker of metaphysical theories, but a popular body charged with causing, not only the rights, but the character of the French people to be respected. It is not in vain that it has proclaimed the rights of man and the liberty of conscience. Atheism is an aristocratic belief. The idea of a Supreme being, who watches over oppressed innocence, and punishes triumphant crime, is, and ever will be, popular. The people, the unfortunate, will ever applaud it; it will never find detractors but among the rich and the guilty. I have been since my youth but an indifferent Catholic; but I have neither been a cold friend nor a lukewarm defender of humanity. *"Si Dieu n'existait pas, il faudrait l'inventer."-Voltaire was the original author of this striking expression. "Envieux l'un de l'autre, ils mènent tout par brigues, Que leur ambition tourne en sanglantes Ainsi de Marius Sylla devint jaloux, Cinna, Act. ii. scene 1. and seek me in the midst of the muni- | prevail. Have I then lost the characcipality, if they dare." At this moment teristics of a free man? Am I not the the destruction of both Danton and same as I was at your side in the days himself was resolved on. But while of alarm? Have you not all frequently these ambitious or envious motives embraced me as a friend who was ready were not without their influence in sug- to die with you? For your sake have gesting this bold and exterminating I not been overwhelmed by persecupolicy, yet were Robespierre and St tions? I have been one of the most Just, in adopting it, not without the intrepid supporters of Marat; I invoke impulse of public and elevated motives. the shade of the Friend of the people They believed in good faith, and not to bear witness in my behalf. You without some show of reason, that the would be astonished if you knew my parties in the state, of which those private affairs; and the colossal fortune leaders were the representatives, were which my enemies and yours ascribe alike dangerous to republican institu- to me, is found to be reduced to the tions; the one by urging them on to slender patrimony I have always posanarchy, the other by paving the way sessed. I defy my detractors to prove for a return to monarchy. Stern ad- against me any crime. All their efforts vance, unrelenting severity, entire de- will be unable to shake me: I remain struction of all classes above the people erect before the people. You will judge in rank, wealth, or knowledge, appeared me in their presence. I cannot tear a to these ruthless fanatics the only real page from my history, without tearing preparation for republican equality and a page from theirs; and that too from virtue. But they were equally inexor- the most glorious period of the annals able against the atheism which would of liberty.' corrupt, the vices which would degrade it. In their mistaken views of human nature they believed that, when the leaders of both were guillotined, nothing would remain to prevent the general establishment of republican principles, simplicity, virtue, and happiness.* 84. Robespierre instantly ascended the tribune. "Danton," said he, "demands a commission to examine into his conduct: I consent to it, if he thinks it can be of any service to him. He demands a statement of the grounds of complaint against him: I agree to it. Danton, you are accused of being an 83. Though ignorant that his destruc- emigrant; of having retired to Switzertion had been resolved on by the all- land; of having feigned illness to conpowerful Committee of Public Salva- ceal your flight; of being desirous to tion, Danton was aware that for some become Regent under Louis XVII.; of months his popularity had been wan- having made arrangements at a fixed ing; and he returned to Paris, and time to proclaim that remnant of the loudly demanded at the Jacobins that Capets; of being the chief of a counterthe grounds of complaint should be revolutionary conspiracy; of being a exhibited against him. "I have heard," worse enemy to France than either Pitt said he, "of rumours of accusations di- or Cobourg, England, Austria, or Prusrected against me. I demand an oppor- sia; of having filled the Mountain with tunity of justifying myself in the eyes your creatures. It is said that we need of the people. It will not be a difficult not disquiet ourselves about the inferior task. I call upon those who have been agents of foreign powers; that their murmuring against me to specify their conspiracies merit only contempt; but charges, for I will answer them in pub-you, you alone, should be led out to lic. I perceived, when I ascended the tribune, a murmur of dissatisfaction In Robespierre's speeches, and those of St Just, in November and December 1793, at the Jacobins and in the Convention, the clearest proof of their being actuated by these principles is to be found.-Histoire Parlementaire, xxx. 209-468. the scaffold!" Loud applauses followed |