This last condition was unacceptable to one section of the Anti-slavery party, whose zeal could no longer brook any degree of moderation. The following

burst of indignation was from the pen of one of these impetuous advocates.

"To be candid, Sir, I would rather see you throw up your brief, and take a retaining fee from the planters, than that you should, in a reformed Parliament, bring forward a motion in accordance with the sentiments expressed in that letter. And if you appear as the advocate of such a profane measure, we will look to some more enlightened advocate to forward that cause which must be carried."

Mr. Buxton's reply was as follows:

"Dear Sir, "Northrepps, Oct. 15. 1832. "I am so thoroughly inured to expressions of the strongest condemnation from all sides, as to my course with regard to slavery, that I should scarcely be prevailed on to notice those I have received from you, were it not that I like the spirit which dictates them, and should be glad if it were more general. Without therefore noticing the violence of your expressions, or questioning their propriety towards one, who, however unworthy and unsuccessful, has certainly been for many years, almost wholly devoted to this cause, let me attempt to justify the letter to which you refer. I said to Sir George Chetwynde, as I have said on every other occasion, and as the words of my motion expressed, that my aim was emancipation, at the earliest period compatible with the personal safety of all classes.' Where did you find a word of 'convenience?' How little do you know the heavy battles I have had to fight on this very point. If the emancipation of the slaves were in my power, I could not dare to accomplish it without previous police regulations, which is all the delay I mean. These ought to be undertaken instantly, for I know our power of emancipating in one way or another, is fast drawing to a close: I mean that the

1832.

LETTERS.

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Negroes will take the work into their own hands. But whoever else is willing to undertake the weight of so enormous a responsibility, I am not, without considering the personal safety of all classes. If you, my dear Sir, can send some more enlightened advocate,' you may believe me, that we are far too much oppressed and borne down with the weight of our task in parliament, not to hail his assistance however given. But in the mean time, I must take the liberty of saying that I did not undertake this serious work at man's bidding, nor shall I, I trust, lay it down at the bidding either of enemies or friends.

"With every good wish, and begging you to continue your exertions, and to blame me as much as you please, if it will stir up one of our friends, I am, dear Sir,

"Yours very truly,

"T. FOWELL BUXTON.

"P. S. Perhaps you will let my friend Sturge see this letter, and pray believe that I write in perfect good-humour."

The day of freedom for the slaves was now evidently dawning, and the autumn was spent in the welcome, though anxious, task of preparing for that long sought consummation. In November he went up to London to discuss his plans with Dr. Lushington: from thence he writes:

To Miss Buxton.

"Nov. 8. 1832.

We

"Thanks for your letters, which always cheer me. had a capital meeting at Lushington's last night, arranging our plan of Emancipation; we made good progress. This morning I saw the Government on it, and they are well satisfied; our views are so much in unison with their own."

To Zachary Macaulay, Esq.

"Dec. 1832.

"I am waiting for Lushington's plan. My conclusion is, that we must stick firm and fast to our claims of justice. Immediate and total emancipation is our right, and if we yield an iota of it, it must be, not for the sake of the planter, nor for the sake of Government, but for the benefit of the Negro; and we must give up no more than it is the interest of the Negro to surrender. In short, we must fight the battle with a single eye to the benefit of our clients the slaves."

To Miss Buxton.

Weymouth, Dec. 14. 1832. "Here is my first frank in this parliament: I trust that before I give my last, the Negroes will be elevated to the rank of freemen and Christians, and all in peace. I find by Cropper's letter, that I am standing for the north division of the county of Lancaster, but I hope my letter will be in time to stop all proceedings. The election closed yesterday in a way which was very gratifying, and even touching to The town, i. e. the voters on both sides, took the alarm lest I should be thrown out, and I found they had in very many instances reserved their votes for the purpose of giving me plumpers if needful. They have shown a degree of feeling, interest, and anxiety for me which I hardly expected, and I now see that I had a strength in reserve, which rendered my defeat impossible. I am now going to be chaired. I wish the boys were here to pursue the triumph and partake the shout.'

me.

"I saw the sun rise in gold out of the sea, with Portland in the foreground, this morning. I never saw anything so grand or so sublime. I am quite well and very cheery."

MR. BUXTON began this year-the most important of his life-by publishing a brief address to the members of the Established Church, in which he invited them, together with the principal dissenting bodies, to unite in setting apart the 16th of January as a day of prayer on the subject of slavery. In his own prayers it was never forgotten. Just before the session commenced he thus refers to it in one of his papers.

"I go to London to-morrow. Parliament meets on Tuesday, and I have reason to hope that the King's speech will declare that Government has resolved to effect the total and immediate emancipation of the slaves.

"This then is a season, if ever there was one, for fervent prayer to Thee, Almighty God, that the light of thy countenance may rest on that good cause, and on me, one of its advocates.

"Now that I am about to quit this peaceful haven, and embark on a tumultuous sea, what provision and safeguard of prayer do I desire to carry with me?

"Grant that I and all of us, may be strengthened with might by Thy Spirit in the inner man, and that Christ may dwell in our hearts by faith. That is my prayer as to the

spirit which may reign within. And my general prayer as to our external actions is the collect of the day, fourth Sunday after Epiphany.

"For the slavery cause, my prayer is that Thou wouldst not leave it to the weakness and folly of man, but that Thou wouldst rise up as its advocate, and wouldst dispose all hearts, and mould all events, by Thine Almighty power, to the accomplishment of that which is good and right. Oh give these thy unhappy creatures their liberty—and that liberty in peace, and protect their masters from ruin and desolation. In my labours give me always the spirit of prayer, and the spirit of confidence in Thee, The battle is not thine but God's;' and the spirit of discretion and resolution, Thine ear shall hear a word behind thee, saying, this is the way, walk ye in it, when ye turn to the right hand or to the left.""

It was generally understood that Earl Grey's government was about to undertake the settlement of the question, and Mr. Buxton went down to the House of Lords, on the 5th of February, in full expectation of hearing from the King's speech, that one of the great measures of the session was to be the emancipation of the slaves. Great was his disappointment, when the speech closed without any allusion whatever to the subject. He hastened back to the House of Commons, and immediately on the Speaker's return gave notice of a motion on the 19th of March for the abolition of slavery. This prompt proceeding had an immediate effect. He writes to Mr. Joseph John Gurney:

"You may suppose, that I was affronted and vexed at the silence of the King's speech. I instantly gave notice of a