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country, change our names, and remain absolutely conceald or unknown. You see, then, that his proposals proceed only from his excessive love of solitude."

came out thither. But I find my letters have great difficulty to reach you; for which reason I shall put this into the post-house myself, to prevent such practices as I suspect are us'd in this family. I have some reason also to think that spies are plac'd upon my

A copy of the letter, be it added, from which these last two extracts are taken, was sent to Col. John-most indifferent actions. I told you that I had had stone with this remark:

"You see by the enclos'd copy of my letter what compliance I have made to this man, in order to soften matters. I shall surely never go any farther with one whom I have so bad an opinion of; and I hope you will never desire me."

In another missive to Johnstone of nearly the same date, we meet with a passage about Vincent that does not provoke much admiration, either on the score of temper or good taste.

"I shall not, however, conclude without telling you, that, when I became absolutely certain of this man's character, I was anxious to know the character he bore in the world; and for that purpose wrote to Mr. Oswald (with whom I live in great intimacy,) to desire him to inform himself of the matter; which he was easily enabled to do by his connexions in the navy. He answered me that he was universally regarded as a low, dirty, despicable fellow; and particularly infamous for pimping his wife to another peer. That is a fact, I have also some reason to know; and tallies exactly with what I told you. You may ask Oswald."

One part of the dispute showed itself in Hume's wishing the patient to be taken to London, while Vincent would have kept him in the country. A letter, referring to this, gives some early anecdotes of the rupture; and is very characteristically expressed.

"When the design of continuing here began to break out by chance and by degrees (for a contrary resolution seem'd to be taken in the beginning of summer,) I told him, that I was sorry for it; that that was a course of life which I cou'd not approve of for your friend, and to which, for my own part, I never cou'd be reconcil'd; that I wou'd endeavour to make out the year; but that I believ'd it wou'd be

impossible for me to stay any longer. He reply'd that a man of my sense and judgment never took a resolution, but upon good grounds, and that 'twas needless to endeavour to dissuade such people. This was telling me, in his very civil way, that I was welcome to be gone, if I pleas'd.

This past in August. As winter was yet distant, and I saw no present remedy, I remained very quiet, and always talkt upon the footing, as if I was to depart very soon, and without making any opposition. One day I told him that, since he had alter'd his scheme so considerably, as to the place of our abode, he ought also to alter it further, and not place a gen tleman about your friend, but one who could eat and converse with the servants and neighbouring farmers, and by that means enjoy some society, without which no human creature cou'd live. He reply'd, that is my intention, if you prosecute your resolution of leaving us."

Another describes his position in the house, in these humiliating terms:

"I did write you the very first occasion after I

James Oswald of Dunikier, then Member of Parliament for the Kirkcaldy district of Boroughs.

more conversation with one of the servants than was natural, and for what reason. Perhaps this fellow had the same privilege granted him as other spies, to rail against his employer, in order to draw in an unguarded man to be still more unguarded. But such practices, if real (for I am not altogether certain,) can only turn to the confusion of those who use them. Where there is no arbitrary power, innocence must be safe; and if there be arbitrary power in this family, 'tis long since I knew I cou'd not remain in it. What a scene is this for a man, nourish'd in philosophy and polite letters to enter into, all of a sudden, and unprepar'd! But I can laugh, whatever happens; and the newness of such practices rather diverts me. At first they caus'd indignation and hatred; and even (tho' I am asham'd to confess it,) melancholy and sorrow."

Again :

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My way of living is more melancholy than ever was submitted to by any human creature, who ever had any hopes or pretensions to any thing better; and if to confinement, solitude, and bad company, be also added these marks of disregard, *** I shall say nothing, but only that books, study, leisure, frugality, and independence, are a great deal better.”

And yet, notwithstanding all this, Hume could wish to be retained: and elaborately recommends his own good offices, as not to be discreetly dispensed with!

sible for any body to live better with your friend than "You may be assured that 'tis absolutely imposI have done all along, and still continue to do. Even our usurper has remarkt it with surprize. How hence, that you are never the object of his satyre and happens it, says he, a little before his departure oblique raillery, to which we are all so much exposed? Your friend made me remark last night faculties much more, and has a more easy conversation (what indeed is pretty obvious,) that he possesses his with me than with any body else; after which he nam'd particularly Vincent and his wife. These his excessive love of solitude; which ought to be proposals, as he confesses himself, come only from horror he thinks of that couple's coming out again to comply'd with, to a reasonable degree. "Tis with live with him. Yet if their projects take place, they will never be absent from him."

Again!

"You are sensible that a man who is to be a friend and comrade to L. A. ought to be a gentleman, and treated as such. He thinks so himself. If my conduct has been not only irreproachable but laudable (bating perhaps too great openness and want of design and suspicion,) I ought not to be treated as criminal. If it be not, I ought not to stay at all. Your friend cannot and will not see any company but one single person. On his conduct and discretion, must all the hopes you can have of his recovery depend. 'Tis strange so considerable sums shou'd be lavisht on apothecaries and physicians, who perhaps do hurt, and a moderate sum be grudg'd to one that sacrifices all his time to him. I say all this, not that I

think it will escape you, but in order to vent my spleen | tertainment to him, and who can't interfere in any and indignation." other respect; so there will be only to pay him handTo complete the picture, we subjoin one or two somely for his teaching and going out, and in all extracts from the letters of Capt. Vincent, descrip-ing, will be very sufficient amusement till his health other respects. Books in his taste, fencing, and walktive of his side of the quarrel, and of his success with the wretched object of it all. It is sad to think that such a man as Hume should have placed himself in contact with this Vincent; and more sad to think that, for the con-si-de-ra-tion aforesaid, he

would have swallowed even such affronts as are here described:

is more confirmed and improved, which not only I, has the strongest hopes of; and it's now agreed to but the physician this very week being out with me, lessen the quantity of medicine, and admit of larger intervals in taking them. My Lord walked out with me lately two or three miles, received and returned the compliments of the hat of those we met, and "I will venture to say I have the knack of parry- without any shyness or reserve, and bear to stand by, ing and managing him, but that Mr. Hume, who is and hear me talk with any farmer or countryman. This 80 extraordinarily well paid, only for his company, is a vast change for the better, and the greatest apand lodged and lives that, if it was at his own ex-pearance that it will continue; and if any proper per pense, he could not do it for 2001. a year, should be son is about him again while I am concerned, terms gloomy and inconsolable for want of society, and for their behaviour must be specified, and as they wax show, for this good while past, little or no sign of fat and are encouraged, they must be discreet enough content or gratitude to me for all I have done, and and reasonable in their nature, so as not to kick. Such the best intentions to serve him, and principally pro- deportment would engage any good offices of mine, moted his being in this station, and repeatedly of- in favour of a worthy man, fit for the purpose, which, fered to come out frequently during the winter and I confess, is very hard to find." stay two or three days at a time, whilst he should be in town. I shall do so, but nowise in consideration to him, but out of tenderness and regard to our friend. Mr. Hume is a scholar, and I believe an honest man; but one of his best friends at Edinburgh at first wrote me, he had conversed more with books than the world, or any of the elegant part of it, chiefly owing to the narrowness of his fortune. He does not in this case seem to know his own interest, tho' I have long perceived it is what he mostly has a peculiar eye to."

Again:

"This day was a fortnight, my Lord told Mr. Hume to be gone, and that in terms which I shall not repeat; the Monday following, the same directions were renewed, in a very peremptory manner, attended with such expressions of resentment, that I advised Hume to go away the next day, which he did, the 8th; and on the 15th I went out thither, and had told my Lord before, that, if he could be reconciled to have him return, I was very willing to contribute towards it, which proposal was not in the least agreed to. I then said it was but right that he should come for a day to take away his things, which was not objected to; but found it was expected he should stay but that one night in the house, from whence he was very unwilling to depart, tho' there must have been the addition of separate table and trouble, which I told him could not be, as my Lord continued | determined he should not keep him about him. Hume has not for many months stomach'd depending in any respect upon my decision, who was originally the cause of his being received at all, and had very great difficulty, long since, and at different times, to get my Lord to bear him. He has mistaken the point; for there is nothing irritates his Lordship so much as the thought of any one showing some tokens of authority, and looking on what he says as caprice, and of no consequence; and I really believe it is some such notion as this, which has produced so thorough an aversion."

Vincent's better method of proceeding with the poor Marquis, is obvious enough!

"I never have seen my Lord more reasonable and polite, or more thoroughly satisfied. I have promised to go and stay two or three days every week with him; and as it is his desire to apply to the violin, a proper person is thought of, who can be of some en

Marquis's mother, announces Vincent's victory and
Finally, this brief passage from a letter to the
Hume's departure:

"I am, on many accounts, glad he is gone. I declare I've had more trouble with his pride and avarice, than in any points concerning my Lord, who continues in the best disposition with regard to your Ladyship."

We have pleasure in contrasting with these evidences of a low and vulgar mind, some passages from Hume's letters when he found himself no longer able to avert the issue of the affair. The philoso Pher is himself again: troubling no one with vain complainings: accusing no one.

"You may remember in what humour you saw your friend a day or two before you left us. He became gay and good humoured afterwards, but more moderately than usual. After that he return'd to his former disposition. These revolutions, we have observ'd, are like the hot and cold fits of an ague; and like them too, in proportion as the one is gentle, the other is violent. But the misfortune is, that this prejudice continu'd even after he seem'd, in other respects, entirely recover'd. So that, having try'd all ways to bring him to good humour, by talking with him, absenting myself for some days, &c., I have at last been oblig'd yesterday to leave. He is determined, he says, to live altogether alone; and I fancy, indeed, it must come to that. As far as I can judge, this caprice came from nobody, and no cause, except physical ones. The wonder only is, that it was so long a-coming."

Again:

V. or his emissaries, with regard to this last caprice. "I believe I told you, that I no way blam'd either I never thought myself on better terms with your order to deliver a certain portrait. I came to him be friend; and had a commission to go to London, in fore I set out, and askt him, S'il n'avoit rien d'autre chose à m'ordonner. He immediately flew into a passion, say'd I was mocking him, as if he treated ine like a servant, and gave me orders or commands, wou'd neither eat, speak, nor converse with me. I wou'd admit of no explanation, and thenceforth never thought him capable of so steady a caprice."

And in one of his latest and best letters to Col.

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Two more extracts, and we have done. As soon as Hume left Lord Annandale, he became secretary to General St. Clair: and thus announced his appointment to Col. Johnstone's brother:

"I doubt not but you will be glad to hear, that I have not chang'd my situation for the worse. The office is genteel: I have 10s. a day, besides perquisites, which may be considerable; and can be put to little expense, because I live with the General. The invitation I receiv'd, was as unexpected as that which your friend gave me.'

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"The question then is, whether he is entitled to £75 for the broken quarter, or only to £37 10s. The thing is a mere trifle to the Marquis of Annandale, but of some importance to a young gentleman who has not a large stock; and supposing the claim to be doubtful, I have great confidence in your generosity, that for a trifle you would not choose to leave a grudge in the young gentleman's mind, of a hardship done him."

lapse of fourteen years, pressed by Hume! It seems The claim was still resisted, and still, after the to have been to that circumstance, we owe the preservation of these letters. As documents in support of the claim they were lodged with some man of law, from one of whose descendants they fell into the possession of Dr. Murray.

He is well entitled to our thanks for the publication. The letters are a valuable illustration of the character of Hume, and explain-though not quite as one might have wished-those passages in the Still the question returned upon him of a trifle of life so charmingly written by himself, where he demoney left in dispute at the Annandales, and he not scribes his early resolve to achieve a pecuniary comonly himself continued to write letters for its settle-petence; intimates unknown sacrifices for that great ment, but engaged the interest of his friends. This amusing passage is from a letter of mediation by his patron and relative, Henry Home:

DEATH OF MOREAU.

IN Russia, a majority of the offices requiring skill and ingenuity for the discharge of their duties, are filled by either Frenchmen or Englishmen. Strange as it may appear, says the author, there is scarcely a native surgeon in the empire. In like manner the chief manufactories are committed to the care of foreigners, who also fill important stations in the army and navy. At St. Petersburgh the author met Sir Andrew Wylie, the head of the army medical staff, and in the conversation that ensued Sir Andrew related the circumstances attendant on the death of the brave Moreau :

"The conversation soon became animated and

highly interesting, and recollecting that the doctor had attended Moreau when he received his wounds at Dresden, I asked him whether it was true that the

aim; traces the beginnings of his success; and, as it were, quietly chuckles and rubs his hands over his first absolute possession of a thousand pounds.

vous pas dit cela plutôt? Mon Dieu ! je serai un monstre, oui, un monstre.' He then continued, with some warmth, Ah! ce Buonaparte il est toujours heureux, il a toujour du bonheur! Seeing that he was getting excited, I reasoned with him, and said, Mon général, vous êtes un galant homme, soyez raisonnable.' He turned round immediately, signified his wish that I should proceed, and bore the second amputation with a patience, resignation, and fortitude, truly wonderful, not a sigh escaping him; but there was no smoking. When the army retired, a hundred Cossacks were ordered to attend him; these fellows carried him on a litter supported by their pikes, and so anxious was he not to fall into the hands of Napoleon, that although it was a wretched night, he refused to be left with his surgeon at any of the villages through which we passed.

"I saw him on the following morning, and in General, when informed that the second leg must be spite of all this exertion, he was doing very well. taken off, had merely turned round to his aide-de-But in the course of that evening, or the next day, camp, and said, "Eh bien, une autre cigarre ?" "Certainly not," said Sir A., "I will tell you what really happened:-When the shot took effect, Moreau was standing near the Emperor of Russia, who immediately went to his assistance, and he was taken into a house a little in rear of the position. This building was of two stories, but the lower one, from the undulations of the ground in front, was covered from the fire of the French artillery, while the upper, being exposed, was frequently struck by round shot while I operated.

"On looking at the injuries, I saw immediately that amputation of both legs was absolutely necessary: but I spoke only of one, and the usual arrangements having been made, the limb was removed, the General undergoing the operation with great firmness. I then again examined the other leg, and, after a short delay, informed him that it was my painful duty to state that he must lose that also. He appeared, as well he might, poor fellow! wholly unprepared for this, and observed, with some agitation, Ah, mon cher docteur! pourquoi ne m'aviez

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Prince M—and the Duke of * * * passed through
the camp on their way to Vienna, and, most unfor-
into a conversation, which eventually turned on the
tunately, paid him a visit. They both drew him
state of Europe, and the position of the armies, and
the excitement it produced brought on a fever, which
Sir A, Moreau was a great man, and the Em-
Ah, my dear sir,' concluded
Jesse's Notes of a Half-Pay.
peror was much affected at his death!"-Capt.

ended in his death.

THE ETYMOLOGY OF THE WORD LORD (says J. Coates,) is well worth observing, for it was composed of illaf, "a loaf of bread," and ford, "to give or afford;" so that Illaford, now Lord, implies "a giver of bread," because in those ages such great men kept extraordinary houses, and fed the poor, for which reason they were called "givers of bread," a thing now much out of date, great men being fond of retaining the title, but few regarding the practice for which it was first given.-Examiner, Jan. 1.

From the Spectator. DEBATES OF THE UNREPORTED HOUSE OF COMMONS.

any individual has. I have not in the smallest degree, certainly not wilfully, altered or misrepresented the sentiments of any one member."

This stupendous monument of attentive and puncTHE Parliament which met in May, 1768, and tual industry is to be comprised in four volumes; of was dissolved in June, 1774, has been called the which only one is completed. That one contains Unreported Parliament; the standing order for the the debates of three sessions; and the leading subexclusion of strangers having been enforced so strict-jects debated are the Riots and Wilkes's business, ly that very few of the speeches have reached the together with the Ministerial conduct in connexion public. Yet during this period many events oc- with them; the affairs of America at length, and of curred and subjects were discussed of a deeply im- India superficially; the Civil List Debts, which portant or highly curious nature. By the Unreported that model Monarch George the Third was always Parliament the foundations of the American War contracting; the Grenville Act, and Limitation Bill, were laid; it had to deal with the earlier arrange- with various routine business. The principal ments of the East India Company's affairs, and was speakers are Lord North, Colonel Barré, Mr. Grenthe scene of the first home triumphs and subsequent ville, Alderman Beckford, Mr. Dowdeswell the persecution of Clive; its opening was preceded and friend of Burke, the "blushing" Rigby of Junius, a attended by London riots, ending in the "Wilkes single speech of Clive's, and a good many of Burke's and Liberty" mobs; the three expulsions of Wilkes the entire collection contains upwards of "two himself, and the different topics which the Letters hundred and fifty of his speeches which have never of Junius have made familiar to political readers, seen the light." were continually debated, even to the exclusion of regular affairs; the great struggle for the power of reporting and publishing the debates took place during this House of Commons, though the effects were not produced till the next election; and there were in lesser but more practical matters, Mr. Grenville's Act for trying disputed Elections, and the bill by which the claim of the Crown upon the property of the subject was limited.

Seventy years after the event, this blank in our Parliamentary history is to be filled up, through the indefatigable zeal and industry of a contemporary, and the enterprise of Mr. Wright. Mr. Henry Cavendish (afterwards Sir Henry) sat during the whole of this Parliament for the borough of Lostwithiel; and, with a feeling which in these days of mechanical reporting cannot be comprehended, though in his own time the practice on a smaller scale was not uncommon, determined to report the proceedings, from "a desire," says Mr. Wright, "to possess a faithful account of them." His mode of proceeding has been told by himself

As regards the reports, we have scarcely yet the means of judging, having only one-fourth of the work before us. So far as they go, however, they confirm the description of the author; the commencement containing little more than the "heads" of the speech, and becoming ampler as practice imparted skill. The allusion of Sir Henry Cavendish to the Sublime and Beautiful of Burke is also indicative of the truth. Burke seems the worst-reported of any; not from less pains or less length being bestowed upon him, but from the difficulty of doing him justice. Here and there is a pregnant sentence, whose weight impressed itself on the memory; but the bulk of his speeches are somewhat indigesta; wearing indeed the impress of his genius, but of the more singular parts of his genius, such as in manners a mimic would seize upon the domination of imagination over logic, without that fulness and cohesion which in his own works give consistency and often carry conviction though the rigorous connexion between the premises and conclusion should not be made out. This defect may perhaps be less visible in the ensuing volumes.

"My original design," says Sir Henry, "was to Of the other speakers, Lord North is longo intertake down the heads only of the several speeches; vallo the most pleasant and flowing-the beau ideal but finding, by practice, even my inferior skill ade-of a managing Minister, who, whilst excusing or quate to something rather more extensive, in the protecting his own people, does it with as little of subsequent sessions of this Parliament the debates fence as may be to any body else, and is never other will be found more at large, except in the case of a than suasive. His orations, however, have this pefew members whose rapid delivery outran my abili- culiar property, that they leave scarcely any impres ty to keep up with them. I am conscious of the sion behind them: unless his words were connected many imperfections that will be found in them; with some action which gave them permanence, it some most certainly from inability; some from my must have been difficult to quote him against himpeculiar and inconvenient situation at the time of self. Barré is keen in his invective, and supports writing them; and some, I am sorry to say, from the character given him for sarcasm by a master of the disorder that now and then used to prevail in the the art; but his speeches, though powerful and tellHouse, where sometimes members, from an eager- ing, are rather made so by the skilful and condensed ness to hear others or themselves, made so much manner in which he presents the prejudices of the noise as to drown the voice of the person speaking; day, or the constitutional axioms of a "truly Brisometimes premature applause for a former part of a tish" kind, than from any justness of view or of arsentence prevented the House from hearing the lat-gument. Alderman Beckford is spirited and boldter; and sometimes those favourite words Hear, the type of the sturdy burgher-especially in his hear!' so frequently echoed through the House, for- avowal and defence of the celebrated Remonstrance bade all hearing. Many gaps, many broken sen- of the City of London to the King, which his Matences, will be found; but even many of the broken jesty in his reply had declared "disrespectful to sentences will, I believe, not be altogether useless. himself, injurious to his Parliament, and irreconcileaSeveral speeches of the most able members are very ble to the principles of the constitution," and which imperfect; many sublime and beautiful passages are lost, I fear, for ever: the only comfort I have is, that I will accept of a sarcasm from Colonel Barré, or I believe I have preserved more than the memory of a simile from Mr. Burke."-Junius.

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the House had been moved to notice. "I was not greater care they fulfilled the maxim "think bepresent," said the Lord Mayor on rising, "when the fore you speak;" and though great boldness was question was first moved; but I beg leave in the displayed in substance, much attention was paid to face of the House to declare, that there was a re-appearances-their thoughts were presented in full monstrance to the King, and that I was the man who dress, as it were. Of the whole mass of speeches, it presented it. As First Magistrate of the City, I is curious to see how little is other than perfectly have the power of putting a negative on every ques-plain; no obscurity, no involution. And though it tion that is offered, either in the Court of Aldermen may be truly said that this is owing to the selection or the Common Hall: a question was put on the re- of the reporter, who would not attempt to report what monstrance-I thought it a proper one." Dowdes- he could not follow, something must be allowed for well is argumentative, and displays great knowledge the absence of reporters. When a man spoke to his of business; but he is excelled in both these respects audience and not to his constituents, he was obliged by Grenville, who adds to those qualities a larger to become broad and brief enough for the mass of his view, rising somewhat above party; and whose audience, who would experience none of that conspeeches, measured in tone and sober in their sug-ventional sympathy which now-a-days induces Pargestions, are the most likely to have influenced an liament to bear with men who are speaking not to unbiassed assembly of sensible and practical men. them but to voters a long way off. Formerly infeThe maiden speech of Clive, though vitiated by the rior men do not seem to have been silenced, but received economical notions of the age, is almost the shortened. The present mechanical mode of reportonly one that wears an air of thorough knowledge of ing, which gives many words but loses the spirit and what he is speaking about, and exhibits the certainty the pith, is not only an evil in itself, but encourages and confidence which such knowledge always gives. the evil it creates, till the debates bid fair to become It is, moreover, remarkable as distinctly tracing out useless to the world, and only read by persons who the line of policy that future events might render it take an interest in particular speeches. The columns necessary for the Company to follow; one of which, of empty verbosity that daily emanate from the press the spoliation of the Mogul, was afterwards a lead- during the session, is not a question of criticism, but ing article in the impeachment of Hastings; and the of measurement. The world is overwhelmed by other, the reduction of the Nabob's allowance, was miles of mediocrity. charged upon him as a crime. And, what is odder still, this speech and its author were highly praised by Burke.“

"The Great Mogul-de jure Mogul, de facto nobody at all-it is no discredit to the nation; it is no dishonour to the Company that we have supported him when nobody else would; it is no dishonour to the nation that we have put him in possession of 150,000%. a year; it is no dishonour to the nation that we have paid him a tribute of 300,000l. a year, when his own subjects would not pay him a farthing. The Mogul may become hostile to us-in that case there will be no necessity that this tribute should be continued: he die-in that case there will be no necessity may to give it to another: so that that sum, sooner or later, will fall into the hands of the East India Company. The Nabob-de jure Nabob, de facto the East India Company's most humble servant-he and his Ministers have 600,000l. a year: but he likewise may die-the luxury of that country and his gross habit of body inake it very possible that he may not live a great while; and in that case 150,0001. a year is as much as ought to be given."

Annexed to the debates, are three papers on subjects connected with the Parliament or the politics of the period. the first is a sketch of Sir John Caldwell (also an amateur reporter, and gifted with a wonderful memory) of several speeches in both Houses of Parliament during the session of 1762, written off in letters to Lord Chatham, and rather conveying impressions of the general effect than making an attempt to follow the words. The selife of Mr. Dowdeswell, between 1765, when he was cond paper consists of passages from the political appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer under the first Rockingham Administration, till his death in trigues of the period, and contains a good many 1774. It deals principally with the political into glimpses behind the curtain, and exhibiting Lord extracts from correspondence, admitting the reader Chatham in a smaller point of view than he has yet been regarded in, as somewhat of a manager about places. The third illustration is the most curious of the whole for its subject-extracts from the private Junius so mauled in his celebrated letter. It commen journal of John the fourth Duke of Bedford, whom ces in October, 1766, and ends in December, 1770, not long before the journalist's death. From the notes by which it is attended, it is evidently pub

Making allowances for different styles of thinking and the different tests by which questions are at present tried, the general cast of the debates was supe-lished to remove the sting which is yet rankling in rior then to what they are now. Original genius, a mind that forms an independent judgment upon matters submitted to it, and stamps upon its statements a character of its own, must always be rare. The herd of speakers will do little more than reflect the notions of their constituents, castes, and coteries, with occasionally a good remark upon a matter of which they have some practical knowledge, or to which they have given some thought, or upon a point that strikes them forcibly at the moment. It is by judgment and labour, not by genius, that the ooo of Parliamentary speakers must be distinguished; and in this sense our ancestors had greatly the advantage. If a man had little to say, he said little, and that little he took pains to present as well as he could. If more artificial, the age was polished, and persons spoke habitually with

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the house of Russell; but, to any one acquainted with the letter, and capable of analyzing evidence, it will have no such effect. The animus of Junius is one thing, the facts on which he grounds his invective another. No one would expect from him that absolute and mere truth which is the province of a judge, any more than they would receive implicitly the charges of a political partisan, like Lord John Russell, or believe the statements of an advocateBrougham, for example, on the Queen's trial, (though Lord Brougham calls Junius a " libeller.") The character of Hannibal in the Tenth Satire of Juvenal is not a true one according to the views of the historian or philosopher; but it is sufficiently true for the object of the satirist. The picture of the Duke of Bedford is not true or just in a general view; but Junius was an avowed political opponent, and it would

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