try; and which, by whatever means obtained, proved that he possessed great talents for administration.

be found in any other person whatever. If this argument does not settle the question, there is an end of all reasoning on circumstantial evidence.

In the mean time, parliament had been engaged in long and grave discussions on Indian affairs. The ministry of Lord North, in the session of 1773, introduced a measure which made a considerable change in the constitution of the Indian government. This law, known by the name of the Regulating Act, provided that the presidency of Bengal should exercise a control over the other possessions of the Com-gument from inferiority, at all events, is one which pany; that the chief of that presidency should be styled governor-general; that he should be assisted by four councillors; and that a supreme court of judicature, consisting of a chief-justice and three inferior judges, should be established at Calcutta. This court was made independent of the governor-general and council, and was entrusted with a civil and criminal jurisdiction of immense, and, at the same time of undefined extent.

The governor-general and councillors were named in the act, and were to hold their situations for five years. Hastings was to be the first governor-general. One of the four new councillors, Mr. Barwell, an experienced servant of the Company, was then in India. The other three, General Clavering, Mr. Monson, and Mr. Francis, were sent out from England.

The ablest of the new councillors was, beyond all doubt, Philip Francis. His acknowledged compositions prove that he possessed considerable eloquence and information." Several years passed in the public offices had formed him to habits of business. His enemies have never denied that he had a fearless and manly spirit; and his friends, we are afraid, must acknowledge that his estimate of himself was extravagantly high, that his temper was irritable, that his deportment was often rude and petulant, and that his hatred was of intense bitterness, and long duration.

The internal evidence seems to us to point the same way. The style of Francis bears a strong resemblance to that of Junius; nor are we disposed to admit, what is generally taken for granted, that the acknowledged compositions of Francis are very decidedly inferior to the anonymous letters. The armay be urged with at least equal force against every claimant that has ever been mentioned, with the single exception of Burke, who certainly was not Junius. And what conclusion, after all, can be drawn from mere inferiority? Every writer must produce his best work; and the interval between his best work and his second best work may be very wide indeed. Nobody will say that the best letters of Junius are more decidedly superior to the acknowledged works of Francis, than three or four of Corneille's tragedies to the rest; than three or four of Ben Johnson's comedies to the rest; than the Pilgrim's Progress to the other works of Bunyan; than Don Quixotte to the other works of Cervantes. Nay, it is certain that the Man in the Mask, whoever he may have been, was a most unequal writer. To go no further than the letters which bear the signature of Junius;-the letter to the king, and the letters to Horne Tooke, have little in common, except the asperity; and asperity was an ingredient seldom wanting either in the writings or in the speeches of Francis.

Indeed, one of the strongest reasons for believing that Francis was Junius, is the moral resemblance between the two men. It is not difficult, from the letters which, under various signatures, are known to have been written by Junius, and from his dealings with Woodfall and others, to form a tolerably correct notion of his character. He was clearly a man not destitute of real patriotism and mag It is scarcely possible to mention this eminent nanimity-a man whose vices were not of a sordid man without adverting for a moment to the question kind. But he must also have been a man in the which his name at once suggests to every mind. highest degree arrogant and insolent, a man prone to Was he the author of the letters of Junius? Our malevolence, and prone to the error of mistaking his own firm belief is, that he was. The external evi- malevolence for public virtue. Doest thou well to dence is, we think, such as would support a verdict be angry?' was the question asked in old time of in a civil, nay, in a criminal proceeding. The hand- the Hebrew prophet. And he answered, 'I do well.' writing of Junius is the very peculiar handwriting This was evidently the temper of Junius; and to this of Francis, slightly disguised. As to the position, cause we attribute the savage cruelty which disgraces pursuits, and connexions of Junius, the following are several of his letters. No man is so merciless as he the most important facts which can be considered as who, under a strong self-delusion, confounds his clearly proved: first, that he was acquainted with antipathies with his duties. It may be added, that the technical forms of the secretary of state's office; Junius, though allied with the democratic party by secondly, that he was intimately acquainted with the common enmities, was the very opposite of a demobusiness of the war-office; thirdly, that he, during cratic politician. While attacking individuals with the year 1770, attended debates in the House of a ferocity which perpetually violated all the laws of Lords, and took notes of speeches, particularly of the literary warfare, he regarded the most defective parts speeches of Lord Chatham; fourthly, that he bitter- of old institutions with a respect amounting to pely resented the appointment of Mr. Chamier to the dantry;-pleaded the cause of Old Sarum with ferplace of deputy secretary-at-war; fifthly, that he vour, and contemptuously told the capitalists of Manwas bound by some strong tie to the first Lord Hol-chester and Leeds, that, if they wanted votes, they land. Now Francis passed some years in the secretary of state's office. He was subsequently chief clerk of the war-office. He repeatedly mentioned that he had himself, in 1770, heard speeches of Lord Chatham; and some of those speeches were actually printed from, his notes. He resigned his clerkship at the war-office from resentment at the appointment of Mr. Chamier. It was by Lord Holland that he was first introduced into the public service. Now here are five marks, all of which ought to be found in Junius. They are all five found in Francis. We do not believe that more than two of them can

might buy land and becomd freeholders of Lancashire and Yorkshire. All this, we believe, might stand, with scarcely any change, for a character of Philip Francis.

It is not strange that the great anonymous writer should have been willing at that time to leave the country which had been so powerfully stirred by his eloquence. Every thing had gone against him. That party which he clearly preferred to every other, the party of George Grenville, had been scattered by the death of its chief; and Lord Suffolk had led the greater part of it over to the ministerial benches.

The ferment produced by the Middlesex election | nary business; for his opponents could not but feel had gone down. Every faction must have been that he knew much of which they were ignorant, and alike an object of aversion to Junius. His opinions that he decided, both surely and speedily, many on domestic affairs separated him from the ministry; questions which to them would have been hopelessly his opinions on colonial affairs from the opposition. puzzling. But the higher powers of government, Under such circumstances, he had thrown down his and the most valuable patronage, had been taken pen in misanthropic despair. His farewell letter to from him. Woodfall bears date the 19th of January, 1773. In that letter, he declared that he must be an idiot to write again; that he had meant well by the cause and the public; that both were given up; that there were not ten men who would act steadily together on any question. But it is all alike,' he added, vile and contemptible. You have never flinched that I know of; and I shall always rejoice to hear of your prosperity. These were the last words of Junius. In a year from that time, Philip Francis was on his voyage to Bengal.

6

The natives soon found this out. They considered him as a fallen man; and they acted after their kind. Some of our readers may have seen, in India, a cloud of crows pecking a sick vulture to death-no bad type of what happens in that country, as often as fortune deserts one who has been great and dreaded. In an instant, all the sycophants who had lately been ready to lie for him, to forge for him, to pander for him, to poison for him, hasten to purchase the favour of his victorious enemies by accusing him. An Indian government has only to let it be With the three new councillors came out the understood that it wishes a particular man to be judges of the Supreme Court. The chief-justice ruined; and, in twenty-four hours, it will be furwas Sir Elijah Impey. He was an old acquaintance nished with grave charges, supported by depositions of Hastings; and it is probable that the governor- so full and circumstantial, that any person unaccusgeneral, if he had searched through all the inns of tomed to Asiatic mendacity would regard them as cart, could not have found an equally serviceable decisive. It is well if the signature of the destined tool. But the members of council were by no means victim is not counterfeited at the foot of some illegal in an obsequious mood. Hastings greatly disliked compact, and if some treasonable paper is not slipped the new form of government, and had no very high into a hiding-place in his house. Hastings was now opinion of the coadjutors. They had heard of this, regarded as helpless. The power to make or mar and were disposed to be suspicious and punctilious. the fortune of every man in Bengal had passed, as it When men are in such a frame of mind, any trifle is seemed, into the hands of his opponents. Immesufficient to give occasion for dispute. The mem- diately charges against the governor-general began bers of council expected a salute of twenty-one guns to pour in. They were eagerly welcomed by the from the batteries of Fort William. Hastings al- majority, who, to do them justice, were men of too lowed them only seventeen. They landed in ill-hu- much honour knowingly to countenance false accumear. The first civilities were exchanged with cold sations; but who were not sufficiently acquainted reserve. On the morrow commenced that long quar- with the East to be aware that, in that part of the rel which, after distracting British India, was re- world, a very little encouragement from power, will newed in England, and in which all the most emi-call forth, in a week, more Oateses, and Bedloes, nent statesmen and orators of the age took active and Dangerfields, than Westminster Hall sees in a part on one or the other side. century.

Hastings was supported by Barwell. They had It would have been strange indeed, if, at such a not always been friends. But the arrival of the new juncture, Nuncomar had remained quiet. That bad members of council from England, naturally had the man was stimulated at once by malignity, by avaeffect of uniting the old servants of the Company. rice, and by ambition. Now was the time to be Clavering, Monson, and Francis formed the majority. avenged on his old enemy, to wreak a grudge of They instantly wrested the government out of the seventeen years, to establish himself in the favour hands of Hastings; condemned, certainly not with- of the majority of the council, to become the greatest out justice, his late dealings with the Nabob Vizier; native in Bengal. From the time of the arrival of recalled the English agent from Oude, and sent the new councillors, he had paid the most marked thither a creature of their own; ordered the brigade court to them; and had in consequence been excluwhich had conquered the unhappy Rohillas to return ded, with all indignity, from the government-house. the Company's territories; and instituted a severe He now put into the hands of Francis, with great aquiry into the conduct of the war. Next, in spite ceremony, a paper containing several charges of the of the governor-general's remonstrances, they pro- most serions description. By this document Haseeeded to exercise, in the most indiscreet manner, tings was accused of putting offices up to sale, and their new authority over the subordinate presiden- of receiving bribes for suffering offenders to escape. cies; threw all the affairs of Bombay into confusion; In particular, it was alleged that Mohammed Reza and interfered, with an incredible union of rashness Khan had been dismissed with impunity, in consideand feebleness, in the intestine disputes of the Mah-ration of a great sum paid to the governor-general. ratta government. At the same time, they fell on the internal administration of Bengal, and attacked the whole fiscal and judicial system-a system which was undoubtedly defective, but which it was very improbable that gentlemen fresh from England would be competent to amend. The effect of their reforms was, that all protection to life and property was withdrawn; and that gangs of robbers plundered and slaughtered with impunity in the very esburbs of Calcutta. Hastings continued to live in the government-house, and to draw the salary of governor-general. He continued even to take the ead at the council-board in the transaction of ordi

Francis read the paper in council. A violent altercation followed. Hastings complained in bitter terms of the way in which he was treated, spoke with contempt of Nuncomar and of Nuncomar's accusation, and denied the right of the council to sit in judgment on the governor. At the next meeting of the board, another communication from Nuncomar was produced. He requested that he might be permitted to attend the council, and that he might be heard in support of his assertions. Another tempestuous debate took place. The governor-general maintained that the council-room was not a proper place for such an investigation; that from persons

who were heated by daily conflict with him, he could not expect the fairness of judges; and that he could not, without betraying the dignity of his post, submit to be confronted with such a man as Nuncomar. The majority, however, resolved to go into the charges. Hastings rose, declared the sitting at an end, and left the room, followed by Barwell. The other members kept their seats, voted themselves a council, put Clavering in the chair, and ordered Nuncomar to be called in. Nuncomar not only adhered to the original charges, but, after the fashion of the East, produced a large supplement. He stated that Hastings had received a great sum for appointing Rajah Goordas treasurer of the Nabob's household, and for committing the care of his highness's person to the Munny Begum. He put in a letter purporting to bear the seal of the Munny Begum, for the purpose of establishing the truth of his story. The seal, whether forged, as Hastings affirmed, or genuine, as we are rather inclined to believe, proved nothing. Nuncomar, as every body knows who knows India, had only to tell the Munny Begum that such a letter would give pleasure to the majority of the council, in order to procure her attestation. The majority, however, voted that the charge was made out; that Hastings had corruptly received between thirty and forty thousand pounds; and that he ought to be compelled to refund.

Supreme Court was, within the sphere of its own duties, altogether independent of the government. Hastings, with his usual sagacity, had seen how much advantage he might derive from possessing himself of this strong hold; and he had acted accordingly. The Judges, especially the Chief Justice, were hostile to the majority of the council. The time had now come for putting this formidable machinery in action.

On a sudden, Calcutta was astounded by the news that Nuncomar had been taken up on a charge of felony, committed, and thrown into the common jail. The crime imputed to him was, that six years before he had forged a bond. The ostensible prosecutor was a native. But it was then, and still is, the opinion of every body-idiots and biographers exceptedthat Hastings was the real mover in the business. The rage of the majority rose to the highest point. They protested against the proceedings of the Supreme Court, and sent several urgent messages to the judges, demanding that Nuncomar should be admitted to bail. The judges returned haughty and resolute answers. All that the council could do, was to heap honours and emoluments on the family of Nuncomar; and this they did. In the mean time, the assizes commenced; a true bill was found; and Nuncomar was brought before Sir Elijah Impey and a jury, composed of Englishmen. A great quantity The general feeling among the English in Bengal of contradictory swearing, and the necessity of havwas strongly in favour of the governor-general. In ing every word of the evidence interpreted, protracttalents for business, in knowledge of the country, ined the trial to a most unusual length. At last, a vergeneral courtesy of demeanour, he was decidedly superior to his persecutors. The servants of the Company were naturally disposed to side with the most distinguished member of their own body against a war-office clerk, who, profoundly ignorant of the native languages and the native character, took on himself to regulate every department of the administra tion. Hastings, however, in spite of the general sympathy of his countrymen, was in a most painful situation. There was still an appeal to higher authority in England. If that authority took part with his enemies, nothing was left to him but to throw up his office. He accordingly placed his resignation in the hands of his agent in London, Colonel Macleane. But Macleane was instructed not to produce the resignation, unless it should be fairly ascertained that the feeling at the India House was adverse to the governor-general.

The triumph of Nuncomar seemed to be complete. He held a daily levee, to which his countrymen resorted in crowds; and to which, on one occasion, the majority of the council condescended to repair. His house was an office for the purpose of receiving charges against the governor-general. It was said that, partly by threats, and partly by wheedling, he had induced many of the wealthiest men of the province to send in complaints. But he was playing a desperate game. It was not safe to drive to despair

dict of guilty was returned, and the chief-justice pronounced sentence of death on the prisoner.

Mr. Gleig is so strangely ignorant as to imagine, that the judges had no further discretion in the case; and that the power of extending mercy to Nuncomar resided with the council. He therefore throws on Francis, and Francis's party, the whole blame of what followed. We should have thought that a gentleman who has published five or six bulky volumes on Indian affairs, might have taken the trouble to inform himself as to the fundamental principles of the Indian government. The supreme court had, under the Regulating Act, the power to respite criminals till the pleasure of the crown should be known. The council had, at that time, no power to interfere.

That Impey ought to have respited Nuncomar, we hold to be perfectly clear. Whether the whole proceeding was not illegal, is a question. But it is certain that, whatever may have been, according to technical rules of construction, the effect of the statute under which the trial took place, it was most unjust to hang a Hindoo for forgery. The law which made forgery capital in England, was passed without the smallest reference to the state of society in India. It was unknown to the natives of India. It had never been put in execution among them-certainly not for want of delinquents. It was in the highest degree shocking to all their notions. They a man of such resource and of such determination as were not accustomed to the distinction which many Hastings. Nuncomar, with all his acuteness, did circumstances, peculiar to our own state of society, not understand the nature of the institutions under have led us to make between forgery and other kinds which he lived. He saw that he had with him the of cheating. The counterfeiting of a seal was, in majority of the body which made treaties, gave their estimation, a common act of swindling; nor places, raised taxes. The separation between politi- had it ever crossed their minds that it was to be cal and judicial functions was a thing of which he punished as severely as gang-robbery or assassinahad no conception. It had probably never occurred tion. A just judge would, beyond all doubt, have to him that there was in Bengal an authority perfect-reserved the case for the consideration of the sovely independent of the council-an authority which reign. But Impey would not hear of mercy or decould protect one whom the council wished to de- lay. stroy, and send to the gibbet one whom the council

The excitement among all classes was great. wished to protect. Yet such was the fact. The Francis, and Francis's few English adherents, de

scribed the governor-general, and the chief-justice, with him. Their cries and contortions had appalled as the worst of murderers. Clavering, it was said, the European ministers of justice, but had not proswore that, even at the foot of the gallows, Nunco- duced the smallest effect on the iron stoicism of the mar should be rescued. The bulk of the European prisoner. The only anxiety which he expressed society, though strongly attached to the governor- was, that men of his own priestly caste might be in general, could not but feel compassion for a man, attendance to take charge of his corpse. He again. who, with all his crimes, had so long filled so large desired to be remembered to his friends in the couna space in their sight-who had been great and pow-cil, mounted the scaffold with firmness and gave the erful before the British empire in India began to ex- signal to the executioner. The moment that the ist-and to whom, in the old times, governors and drop fell, a howl of sorrow and despair rose from the members of council, then mere commercial factors, innumerable spectators. Hundreds turned away had paid court for protection. The feeling of the their faces from the polluting sight, fled with loud Hindoos was infinitely stronger. They were, in- wailings towards the Hoogley, and plunged into its deed, not a people to strike one blow for their coun- holy waters, as if to purify themselves from the tryman. But his sentence filled them with sorrow guilt of having looked on such a crime. These feeland dismay. Tried even by their low standard of ings were not confined to Calcutta. The whole promorality, he was a bad man. But, bad as he was, vince was greatly excited; and the population of he was the head of their race and religion-a Brah- Dacca, in particular, gave strong signs of grief and min of the Brahmins. He had inherited the purest dismay. and highest caste. He had practised, with the greatest punctuality, all those ceremonies to which the superstitious Bengalees ascribe far more importance than to the correct discharge of the social duties. They felt, therefore, as a devout Catholic in the dark ages would have felt, at seeing a prelate of the highest dignity sent to the gallows by a secular tribunal. According to their old national laws, a Brahmin could not be put to death for any crime whatever. And the crime for which Nuncomar was about to die, was regarded by them in much the same light in which the selling of an unsound horse, for a sound price, is regarded by a Yorkshire jockey.

The Mahommedans alone appear to have seen with exultation the fate of the powerful Hindoo, who had attempted to rise by means of the ruin of Mahommed Reza Khan. The Mussulman historian of those times takes delight in aggravating the charge. He assures us, that in Nuncomar's house a casket was found containing counterfeits of the seals of all the richest men of the province. We have never fallen in with any other authority for this story, which, in itself, is by no means improbable.

The day drew near, and Nuncomar prepared himself to die, with that quiet fortitude with which the Bengalee, so effeminately timid in personal conflict, often encounters calamities for which there is no remedy. The sheriff, with the humanity which is seldom wanting in an English gentleman, visited the prisoner on the eve of the execution, and assured him that no indulgence, consistent with the law, should be refused to him. Nuncomar expressed his gratitude with great politeness and unaltered composure. Not a muscle of his face moved. Not a sigh broke from him. He put his finger to his forehead, and calmly said that fate would have its way, and that there was no resisting the pleasure of God. He sent his compliments to Francis, Clavering, and Monson, and charged them to protect Rajah Goordas, who was about to become the head of the Brahmins of Bengal. The sheriff withdrew, greatly agitated by what had passed, and Nuncomar sat composedly down to write notes and examine accounts.

Of Impey's conduct, it is impossible to speak too severely. We have already said, that in our opinion, he acted unjustly in refusing to respite Nuncomar. No rational man can doubt that he took this course in order to gratify the governor-general. If we had ever had any doubts on that point, they would have been dispelled by a letter which Mr. Gleig has published. Hastings, three or four years later, described Impey as the man, to whose support he was at one time indebted for the safety of his fortune, honour, and reputation.' These strong words can refer only to the case of Nuncomar; and they must mean that Impey hanged Nuncomar in order to support Hastings. It is, therefore, our deliberate opinion, that Impey, sitting as a judge, put a man unjustly to death in order to serve a political purpose.

6

But we look on the conduct of Hastings in a somewhat different light. He was struggling for fortune, honour, liberty-all that makes life valuable. He was beset by rancorous and unprincipled enemies. From his colleagues he could expect no justice. He cannot be blamed for wishing to crush his accusers. He was indeed bound to use only legitimate means for that end. But it was not strange that he should have thought any means legitimate which were pronounced legitimate by the sages of the law-by men whose peculiar duty it was to deal justly between adversaries, and whose education might be supposed to have peculiarly qualified them for the discharge of that duty. Nobody demands ftom a party the unbending equity of a judge. The reason that judges are appointed is, that even good men cannot be trusted to decide causes in which they are themselves con cerned. Not a day passes on which an honest prosecutor does not ask for what none but a dishonest tribunal would grant. It is too much to expect that any man, when his dearest interests are at stake, and his strongest passions excited, will, as against himself, be more just than the sworn dispensers of justice. To take an analogous case from the history of our own island: suppose that Lord Stafford, when in the Tower on suspicion of being concerned in the Popish plot, had been apprised that Titus Oates had The next morning, before the sun was in his pow-done something which might, by a questionable coner, an immense concourse assembled round the struction, be brought under the head of felony. place where the gallows had been set up. Grief and Should we severely blame Lord Stafford, in the suphorror were on every face; yet to the last, the multi-posed case, for causing a prosecution to be instituted, tude could hardly believe that the English really for furnishing funds, for using all his influence to purposed to take the life of the great Brahmin. At intercept the mercy of the crown? We think not. length, the mournful procession came through the crowd. Nuncomar sat up in his palanquin, and looked round him with unaltered serenity. He had just parted from those who were most nearly connected

If a judge, indeed, from favour to the Catholic lords, were to strain the law in order to hang Oates, such a judge would richly deserve impeachment. But it does not appear to us that the Catholic lord, by

bringing the case before the judge for decision, would materially overstep the limits of a just selfdefence.

the Company. Lord North was desirous to procure such an address. The three members of council who had been sent out from England, were men of While, therefore, we have not the least doubt that his own choice. General Clavering, in particular, this memorable execution is to be attributed to Has- was supported by a large parliamentary connexion, tings, we doubt whether it can with justice be reck- such as no cabinet could be inclined to disoblige. oned among his crimes. That his conduct was The wish of the minister was to displace Hastings, dictated by a profound policy, is evident. He was and to put Clavering at the head of the government. in a minority in council. It was possible that he In the Court of Directors parties were very nearly might long be in a minority. He knew the native balanced; eleven voted against Hastings-ten for character well. He knew in what abundance accusa- him. The Court of Proprietors was then convened. tions are certain to flow in against the most innocent The great sale-room presented a singular appearance. inhabitant of India who is under the frown of power. Letters had been sent by the Secretary of the TreaThere was not in the whole black population of Ben-sury, exhorting all the supporters of government who gal, a place-holder, a place-hunter, a government held India stock to be in attendance. Lord Sandwich tenant, who did not think that he might better himself marshalled the friends of the administration with his by sending up a deposition against the governor- usual dexterity and alertness. Fifty peers and privygeneral. Under these circumstances, the persecuted councillors, seldom seen so far eastward, were counted statesman resolved to teach the whole crew of accu- in the crowd. The debate lasted till midnight. The sers and witnesses, that, though in a minority at the opponents of Hastings had a small superiority on council board, he was still to be feared. The lesson the division; but a ballot was demanded, and the which he gave them was indeed one not to be forgot-result was, that the governor-general triumphed by ten. The head of the combination which had been a majority of above a hundred over the combined formed against him, the richest, the most powerful, efforts of the directors and the cabinet. The ministhe most artful, of the Hindoos, distinguished by ters were greatly exasperated by this defeat. Even the favour of those who then held the government, Lord North lost his temper-no ordinary occurrence fenced round by the superstitious reverence of mil- with him--and threatened to convoke parliament lions, was hanged in broad day befere many thou- before Christmas, and to bring in a bill for depriving sands of people. Every thing that could make the the Company of all political power, and for restrictwarning impressive-dignity in the sufferer, solemni-ing it to its old business of trading in silks and teas. ty in the proceeding-was found in this case. The Colonel Macleane, who through all this conflict helpless rage and vain struggles of the council made had zealously supported the cause of Hastings, now the triumph more signal. From that moment the thought that his employer was in imminent danger conviction of every native was, that it was safer to of being turned out, branded with parliamentary take the part of Hastings in a minority, than that of censure, perhaps prosecuted. The opinion of the Francis in a majority; and that he who was so ven- crown lawyers had already been taken, respecting turous as to join in running down the governor-gene- some parts of the governor-general's conduct. It ral, might chance, in the phrase of the Eastern poet, seemed to be high time to think of a secure and to find a tiger, while beating the jungle for a deer. honourable retreat. Under these circumstances, The voices of a thousand informers were silenced in Macleane thought himself justified in producing the an instant. From that time, whatever difficulties resignation with which he had been intrusted. The Hastings might have to encounter, he was never mo- instrument was not in very accurate form; but the lested by accusations from natives of India. directors were too eager to be scrupulous. They accepted the resignation, fixed on Mr. Wheeler, one of their own body, to succeed Hastings, and sent out orders that General Clavering, as senior member of council, should exercise the functions of governorgeneral till Mr. Wheeler should arrive.

It is a remarkable circumstance, that one of the letters of Hastings to Dr. Johnson, bears date a very few hours after the death of Nuncomar. While the whole settlement was in commotion-while a mighty and ancient priesthood were weeping over the remains of their chief-the conqueror in that deadly grapple sat down, with characteristic self-possession, to write about the Tour to the Hebrides, Jones's Persian Grammar, and the history, traditions, arts, and natural productions of India!

But while these things were passing in England, a great change had taken place in Bengal. Monson was no more. Only four members of the government were left. Clavering and Francis were on the one side, Barwell and the governor-general on the other; and the governor-general had the casting vote. Hastings, who had been during two years destitute of all power and patronage, became at once absolute. He instantly proceeded to retaliate on his adversaries. Their measures were reversed-their creatures were displaced. A new valuation of the lands of Bengal, for the purposes of taxation, was ordered; and it was provided that the whole inquiry should be conducted by the governor-general, and that all the letters relating to it should run in his name. began, at the same time, to revolve vast plans of conquest and dominion-plans which he lived to see realized, though not by himself. His project was to form subordinary alliances with the native princes, particularly with those of Oude and Berar; and thus to make Britain the paramount power in India. The Regulating Act, by which Hastings had been While he was meditating these great designs, arappointed governor-general for five years, empow-rived the intelligence that he had ceased to be goered the Crown to remove him on an address from vernor-general, that his resignation had been ac

In the meantime, intelligence of the Rohilla war, and of the first disputes between Hastings and his colleagues, had reached London. The directors took part with the majority, and sent out a letter filled with severe reflections on the conduct of Hastings. They condemned, in strong but just terms, the iniquity of undertaking offensive wars merely for the sake of pecuniary advantages. But they utterly forgot that, if Hastings had by illicit means obtained pecuniary advantages, he had done so, not for his own benefit, but in order to meet their demands. To enjoin honesty, and to insist in having what could not be honestly got, was then the constant practice of the Company. As Lady Macbeth says of her husband, they would not play false, and yet would wrongly win.'

He