sate up in his cabin while he slept. Long before the 'Duke of Grafton' reached Madras, Hastings was in love. But his love was of a most characteristic description. Like his hatred, like his ambition, like all his passions, it was strong, but not impetuous. It was calm, deep, earnest, patient of delay, unconquerable by time. Imhoff was called into council by his wife and his wife's lover. It was arranged that the baroness should institute a suit for a divorce in the courts of Franconia; that the baron should afford every facility to the proceeding; and that, during the years which might elapse before the sentence should be pronounced, they should continue to live together. It was also agreed that Hastings should bestow some very substantial marks of gratitude on the complaisant husband; and should, when the marriage was dissolved, make the lady his wife, and adopt the children whom she had already born to Imhoff. We are not inclined to judge either Hastings or the baroness severely. There was undoubtedly much to extenuate their fault. But we can by no means concur with the Rev. Mr. Gleig, who carries his partality to so injudicious an extreme, as to describe the conduct of Imhoff-conduct the baseness of which is the best excuse for the lovers-as 'wise and judicious.' At Madras, Hastings found the trade of the Company in a very disorganized state. His own tastes would have led him rather to political than to commercial pursuits; but he knew that the favour of his employers depended chiefly on their dividends, and their dividends depended chiefly on the investment. He therefore, with great judgment, determined to apply his vigorous mind for a time to this department of business; which had been much neglected, since the servants of the Company had ceased to be clerks, and had become warriors and negotiators. the English rulers of his country in the same relation in which Augustulus stood to Odoacer, or the last Merovingians to Charles Martel and Pepin. He lived at Moorshedabad, surrounded by princely magnificence. He was approached with the outward marks of reverence, and his name was used in public instruments; but in the government of the country he had less real share than the youngest writer or cadet in the Company's service. The English council which represented the Company at Calcutta, was constituted on a very different plan from that which has since been adopted. At present the governor is, as to all executive measures, absolute. He can declare war, conclude peace, appoint public functionaries or remove them, in opposition to the unanimous sense of those who sit with him in council. They are, indeed, entitled to know all that is done, to discuss all that is done, to advise, to remonstrate, to send home protests. But it is with the governor that the supreme power resides, and on him that the whole responsibility rests. This system, which was introduced by Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas, in spite of the strenuous opposition of Mr. Burke, we conceive to be on the whole the best that was ever devised for the government of a country where no materials can be found for a representative constitution. In the time of Hastings the governor had only one vote in council, and, in case of an equal division, a casting vote. therefore happened not unfrequently that he was overruled on the gravest questions; and it was possible that he might be wholly excluded, for years together, from the real direction of public affairs. It The English functionaries at Fort William had as yet paid little or no attention to the internal government of Bengal. The only branch of politics with which they much busied themselves was negotiation with the native princes. The police, the adminisIn a very few months he effected an important re-tration of justice, the details of the collection of reveform. The Directors notified to him their high ap-nue, they almost entirely neglected. We may reprobation, and were so much pleased with his con- mark that the phraseology of he Company's serduct, that they determined to place him at the head vants still bears the traces of this state of things. To of the government of Bengal. Early in 1772 he this day they always use the word 'political" as syquitted Fort St. George for his new post. The Im-nonymous with diplomatic.' We could name a hoffs, who were still man and wife, accompanied gentleman still living, who was described by the him, and lived at Calcutta on the same wise and ju- highest authority as an invaluable public servant, dicious plan' (we quote the words of Mr. Gleig) eminently fit to be at the head of the departments of which they had already followed during more than finance, revenue, and justice, but unfortunately quite ignorant of all political business. two years. When Hastings took his seat at the head of the The internal government of Bengal the English council-board, Bengal was still governed according rulers delegated to a great native minister, who was to the system which Clive had devised a system stationed at Moorshedabad. All military affairs, and, which was, perhaps, skilfully contrived for the pur- with the exception of what pertains to mere ceremopose of facilitating and concealing a great revolu- nial, all foreign affairs, were withdrawn from his tion, but which, when that revolution was complete control; but the other departments of the adminisand irrevocable, could produce nothing but inconve-tration were entirely confided to him. His own stinience. There were two governments, the real and the ostensible. The supreme power belonged to the Company, and was in truth the most despotic power that can be conceived. The only restraint on the English masters of the country was that which their own justice and humanity imposed on them. There was no constitutional check on their will, and resistance to them was utterly hopeless. But though thus absolute in reality, the English had not yet assumed the style of sovereignty. They held their territories as vassals of the throne of Delhi; they raised their revenues as collectors appointed by the imperial commission; their public seal was inscribed with the imperial titles; and their mint struck only the imperial coin. There was stiil a nabob of Bengal, who stood to pend amounted to near a hundred thousand pounds sterling a-year. The civil list of the nabobs, amounting to more than three hundred thousand pounds ayear, passed through the minister's hands, and was, to a great extent, at his disposal. The collection of the revenue, the superintendence of the household of the prince, the administration of justice, the maintenance of order, were left to this high functionary; and for the exercise of his immense power he was responsible to none but the British masters of the country. A situation so important, lucrative, and splendid, was naturally an object of ambition to the ablest and most powerful natives. Clive had found it difficult to decide between conflicting pretensions. Two candidates stood ont prominently from the crowd, each of them the representative of a race and of a religion. The one was Mahommed Reza Khan, a Mussulman of Persian extraction, able, active, religious after the fashion of his people, and highly esteemed by them. In England, he might perhaps have been regarded as a corrupt and greedy politician. But tried by the lower standard of Indian morality, he might be considered as a man of integrity and ho nour. ence. criminal intrigues. On one occasion he brought a false charge against another Hindoo, and tried to substantiate it by producing forged documents. On another occasion it was discovered that, while professing the strongest attachment to the English, he was engaged in several conspiracies against them; and in particular that he was the medium of a correspondence between the court of Delhi and the French authorities in the Carnatic. For these and similar practices, he had been long detained in confinement. But his talents and influence had not only procured his liberation, but had obtained for him a certain degree of consideration even among the British rulers of his country. Clive was extremely unwilling to place a Mussulman at the head of the administration of Bengal. On the other hand, he could not bring himself to confer immense power on a man to whom every sort of villainy had repeatedly been brought home. Therefore, though the nabob, over whom Nuncomar had by intrigue acquired great influence, begged that the artful Hindoo might be intrusted with the government, Clive, after some hesitation, decided honestly and wisely in favour of Mahommed Reza Khan, who had held his high office seven years when Hastings became Governor. An infant son of Meer Jaffier was now nabob; and the guardianship of the young prince's person had been confided to the minister. Nuncomar, stimulated at once by cupidity and malice, had been constantly attempting to undermine his successful rival. This was not difficult. The revenues of Bengal, under the administration established by Clive, did not yield such a surplus as had been anticipated by the Company; for, at that time, the most absurd notions were entertained in England respecting the wealth of India. Palaces of porphyry, hung with the richest brocade, heaps of pearls and diamonds, vaults from which pagodas and gold mohurs were measured out by the bushel, filled the imagination even of men of business. Nobody seemed to be aware of what nevertheless was most undoubtedly the truth, that India was a much poorer country than countries which in Europe are reckoned His competitor was a Hindoo Brahmin, whose name has, by a terrible and melancholy event, been inseparably associated with that of Warren Hastings -the Maharajah Nuncomar. This man had played an important part in all the revolutions which, since the time of Surajah Dowlah, had taken place in Bengal. To the consideration which in that country belongs to high and pure caste, he added the weight which is derived from wealth, talents, and experiOf his moral character it is difficult to give a notion to those who are acquainted with human nature only as it appears in our island. What the Italian is to the Englishman, what the Hindoo is to the Italian, what the Bengalee is to other Hindoos, that was Nuncomar to other Bengalees. The physical organization of the Bengalee is feeble even to effeminacy. He lives in a constant vapour bath. His pursuits are sedentary, his limbs delicate, his movements languid. During many ages he has been trampled upon by men of bolder and more hardy breeds. Courage, independence, veracity, are qualities to which his constitution and his situation are equally unfavourable. His mind bears a singular analogy to his body. It is weak even to helplessness, for purposes of manly resistance; but its suppleness and its tact move the children of sterner climates to admiration not unmingled with contempt. All those arts which are the natural defence of the weak, are more familiar to this' subtle race than to the Ionian of the time of Juvenal, or to the Jew of the dark ages. What the horns are to the buffalo, what the paw is to the tiger, what the sting is to the bee, what beauty, according to the old Greek song, is to woman, deceit is to the Bengalee. Large pro-poor-than Ireland, for example, than Portugal, or mises, smooth excuses, elaborate tissues of circum- than Sweden. It was confidently believed by Lords stantial falsehood, chicanery, perjury, forgery, are of the Treasury and Members for the City, that the weapons, offensive and defensive, of the people Bengal would not only defray its own charges, but of the Lower Ganges. All those millions do not fur- would afford an increased dividend to the proprietors nish one sepoy to the armies of the Company. But of India stock, and large relief to the English as usurers, as money-changers, as sharp legal prac- finances. These absurd expectations were disaptitioners, no class of human beings can bear a com- pointed; and the directors, naturally enough, chose parison with them. With all his softness, the Ben- to attribute the disappointment rather to the misgalee is by no means placable in his enmities, or management of Mahommed Reza Khan, than to their prone to pity. The pertinacity with which he ad- own ignorance of the country intrusted to their care. heres to his purposes, yields only to the immediate They were confirmed in their error by the agents of pressure of fear. Nor does he lack a certain kind Nuncomar; for Nuncomar had agents even in Leadof courage which is often wanting in his masters. enhall Street. Soon after Hastings reached Calcutta, To inevitable evils he is sometimes found to oppose he received a letter addressed by the Court of Direca passive fortitude, such as the Stoics attributed to tors, not to the council generally, but to himself in their ideal sage. An European warrior who rushes particular. He was directed to remove Mahommed on a battery of cannon with a loud hurrah, will Reza Khan, to arrest him, together with all his family shriek under the surgeon's knife, and fall into an and all his partizans, and to institute a strict inquiry agony of despair at the sentence of death. But the into the whole administration of the province. It Bengalee who would see his country overrun, his was added, that the Governor would do well to avail house laid in ashes, his children murdered or disho- himself of the assistance of Nuncomar in the invesnoured, without having the spirit to strike one blow, tigation. The vices of Nuncomar were acknowhas yet been known to endure torture with the firm-ledged. But even from his vices, it was said, much ness of Mucius, and to mount the scaffold with the steady step and even pulse of Algernon Sydney. In Nuncomar, the national character was strongly and with exaggeration personified. The Company's servants had repeatedly detected him in the most advantage might at such a conjuncture be derived; and, though he could not safely be trusted, it might still be proper to encourage him by hopes of reward. The Governor bore no good-will to Nuncomar. Many years before, they had known each other at Moorshedabad; and then a quarrel had risen between them, which all the authority of their superiors could hardly compose. Widely as they differed in most points, they resembled each other in this, that both were men of unforgiving natures. To Mahommed Reza Khan, on the other hand, Hastings had no feelings of hostility. Nevertheless he proceeded to execute the instructions of the Company with an alacrity which he never showed, except when instructions were in perfect conformity with his own views. He had, wisely as we think, determined to get rid of the system of double government in Bengal. The orders of the directors furnished him with the means of effecting his purpose, and dispensed him from the necessity of discussing the matter with his council. He took his measures with his usual vigour and dexterity. At mid-night, the palace of Mahommed Reza Khan, at Moorshedabad, was surrounded by a battalion of sepoys. The minister was roused from his slumbers, and informed that he was a prisoner. With the Mussulman gravity, he bent his head and submitted himself to the will of God. He fell not alone. A chief named Schitab Roy had been intrasted with the government of Bahar. His valour and his attachment to the English had more than once been signally proved. On that memorable day on which the people of Patna saw from their walls the whole army of the Mogul scattered by the little band of Captain Knox, the voice of the British conquerors assigned the palm of gallantry to the brave Asiatic. I never,' said Knox, when he introduced Sehitab Roy, covered with blood and dust, to the English functionaries assembled in the factory-I never saw a native fight so before.' Schitab Roy was involved in the ruin of Mahommed Reza Khan, was deprived of his government, and was placed under arrest. The members of the council received no intimation of these measures till the prisoners were on their road to Calcutta. The inquiry into the conduct of the minister was postponed on different pretences. He was detained in an easy confinement during many months. In the mean time, the great revolution which Hastings had planned was carried into effect. The office of minister was abolished. The internal administration was transferred to the servants of the Company. A system-a very imperfect system, it is true-of civil and criminal justice, under English superintendence, was established. The nabob was no longer to have even an ostensible share in the government; but he was still to receive a considerable annual allowance, and to be surrounded with the state of sovereignty. As he was an infant, it was necessary to provide guardians for his person and property. His person was intrusted to a lady of his father's haram, known by the name of the Munny Begum. The office of treasurer of the household was bestowed on a son of Nuncomar, named Goordas. Nuncomar's services were wanted, yet he could not safely be trusted with power; and Hastings thought it a masterstroke of policy to reward the able and unprincipled parent by promoting the inoffensive child. The revolution completed, the double government dissolved, the Company installed in the full sovereignty of Bengal, Hastings had no motive to treat the late ministers with rigour. Their trial had been put off on various pleas till the new organization was complete. They were then brought before a committee, over which the governor presided. Schiab Roy was speedily acquitted with honour. A fermal apology was made to him for the restraint to which he had been subjected. All the Eastern marks of respect were bestowed on him. He was clothed in a robe of honour, presented with jewels and with a richly harnessed elephant, and sent back in state to Patna. But his health had suffered from confinement; his high spirit had been cruelly wounded; and soon after his liberation he died of a broken heart. The innocence of Mahommed Reza Khan was not so clearly established. But the governor was not disposed to deal harshly. After a long hearing, in which Nuncomar appeared as the accuser, and displayed both the art and the inveterate rancour which distinguished him, Hastings pronounced that the charges had not been made out, and ordered the fallen minister to be set at liberty. Nuncomar had proposed to destroy the Mussulman administration, and to rise on its ruins. Both his malevolence and his cupidity had been disappointed. Hastings had made him a tool-had used him for the purpose of accomplishing the transfer of the government from Moorshedabad to Calcutta, from native to European hands. The rival, the enemy, so long envied, so implacably persecuted, had been dismissed unhurt. The situation so long and ardently desired had been abolished. It was natural that the governor should be from that time an object of the most intense hatred to the vindictive Brahmin. As yet, however, it was necessary to suppress such feelings. The time was coming when that long animosity was to end in a desperate and deadly struggle. In the mean time, Hastings was compelled to turn his attention to foreign affairs. The object of his diplomacy was at this time simply to get money. The finances of his government were in an embarrassed state; and this embarrassment he was determined to relieve by some means, fair or foul. The principle which directed all his dealings with his neighbours is fully expressed by the old motto of one of the great predatory families of TeviotdaleThou shalt want ere I want.' He seems to have laid it down, as a fundamental proposition which could not be disputed, that when he had not as many lacs of rupees as the public service required, he was to take them from any body who had. One thing, indeed, is to be said in excuse for him. The pressure applied to him by his employers at home, was such as only the highest virtue could have withstoodsuch as left him no choice except to commit great wrongs or to resign his high post, and with that post all his hopes of fortune and distinction. It is perfectly true, that the directors never enjoined or applauded any crime. Far from it. Whoever examines their letters at that time, will find there, many just and humane sentiments, many excellent precepts; in short, an admirable circle of political ethics. But every exhortation is modified or nullified by a demand for money. Govern leniently, and send more money; practise strict justice and moderation towards neighbouring powers, and send more money;' this is in truth the sum of almost all the instructions that Hastings-ever received from home. Now, these instructions being interpreted, mean simply, Be the father and the oppressor of the people; be just and unjust, moderate and rapacious." The directors dealt with India, as the church, in the good old times, dealt with a heretic. They delivered the victim over to the executioners, with an earnest request that all possible tenderness might be shown. We by no means accuse or suspect those who framed these despatches of hypocrisy. It is probable that, writing fifteen thousand miles from the place where their orders were to be carried into effect, they never per ceived the gross inconsistency of which they were came from regions lying far beyond the Hyphasis guilty. But the inconsistency was at once manifest and the Hystaspes, and imposed their yoke on the to their lieutenant at Calcutta, who, with an empty children of the soil. It is certain that, during the treasury, with an unpaid army, with his own salary | last ten centuries, a succession of invaders descended often in arrear, with deficient crops, with government from the west on Hindostan; nor was the course of tenants daily running away, was called upon to remit conquest ever turned back towards the setting sun, home another half million without fail. Hastings till that memorable campaign, in which the cross of saw that it was absolutely necessary for him to dis- Saint George was planted on the walls of Ghizni. regard either the moral discourses or the pecuniary requisitions of his employers. Being forced to disobey them in something, he had to consider what kind of disobedience they would most readily pardon; and he correctly judged, that the safest course would be to neglect the Sermons and to find the Rupees. The emperors of Hindostan themselves came from the other side of the great mountain ridge; and it had always been their practice to recruit their army from the valiant and hardy race from which their own illustrious house sprang. Among the military adventurers who were allured to the Mogul standards from the neighbourhood of Cabul and Candahar, were conspicuous several gallant bands, known by the name of the Rohillas. Their services had been rewarded with large tracts of land-fiefs of the spear, if we may use an expression drawn from an analogous state of things-in that fertile plain through which the Ramgunga flows from the snowy heights of Kumaon to join the Ganges. In the general confusion which followed the death of Aurungzebe, the warlike colony became virtually independent. The Rohillas were distinguished from the other inhabitants of India by a peculiarly fair complexion. They were more honourably distinguished by valour in war, and by skill in the arts of peace. While anarchy raged from Lahore to Cape Comorin, their litthe territory enjoyed the blessings of repose under the guardianship of courage. Agriculture and commerce flourished among them; nor were they negligent of rhetoric and poetry. Many persons now living have heard aged men talk with regret of the golden days, when the Afghan princes ruled in the vale of Rohilcund. A mind so fertile as his, and so little restrained by conscientious scruples, speedily discovered several modes of relieving the financial embarrassments of the government. The allowance of the Nabob of Bengal was reduced at a stroke from L.320,000 a-year to half that sum. The Company had bound itself to pay near L.300,000 a-year to the Great Mogul, as a mark of homage for the provinces which he had intrusted to their care; and they had ceded to him the districts of Corah and Allahabad. On the plea that the Mogul was not really independent, but merely a tool in the hands of others, Hastings determined to retract these concessions. He accordingly declared that the English would pay no more tribute, and sent troops to occupy Allahabad and Corah. The situation of these places was such, that there would be little advantage and great expense in retaining them. Hastings, who wanted money and not territory, determined to sell them. A purchaser was not wanting. The rich province of Oude had, in the general dissolution of the Mogul Empire, fallen to the share of the great Mussulman house, by which it is still governed. About twenty Sujah Dowlah had set his heart on adding this rich years ago, this house, by the permission of the Bri-district to his own principality. Right, or show of tish government, assumed the royal title; but, in right, he had absolutely none. His claim was in no the time of Warren Hastings, such an assumption respect better founded than that of Catherine to Powould have been considered by the Mahomedans of land, or that of the Bonaparte family to Spain. The India as a monstrous impiety. The Prince of Oude Rohillas held their country by exactly the same title though he held the power, did not venture to use the by which he held his; and had governed their counstyle of sovereignty. To the appellation of nabob or try far better than his had ever been governed. Nor viceroy, he added that of vizier of the monarchy of were they a people whom it was perfectly safe to atHindostan just as in the last century the electors tack. Their land was indeed an open plain, destiof Saxony and Brandenburg, though independent of tute of natural defences; but their veins were full of the Emperor, and often in arms against him, were the high blood of Afghanistan. As soldiers, they proud to style themselves his Grand Chamberlain had not the steadiness which is seldom found except and Grand Marshal. Sujah Dowlah, then nabob in company with strict discipline; but their impetuvizier, was on excellent terms with the English. He ous valour had been proved on many fields of battle. had a large treasure. Allahabad and Corah were so It was said that their chiefs, when united by comsituated that they might be of use to him, and could mon peril, could bring eighty thousand men into the be of none to the Company. The buyer and seller field. Sujah Dowlah had himself seen them fight, soon came to an understanding; and the provinces and wisely shrank from a conflict with them. There which had been torn from the Mogul were made was in India one army, and only one, against which over to the government of Oude for about half a mil- even those proud Caucasian tribes could not stand. lion sterling. It had been abundantly proved that neither tenfold odds, nor the martial ardour of the boldest Asiatic nations, could avail aught against English science and resolution. Was it possible to induce the governor of Bengal to let out to hire the irresistible energies of the imperial people-the skill, against which the ablest chiefs of Hindostan were helpless as infants-the discipline, which had so often triumphed over the frantic struggles of fanaticism and despair-the unconquerable British courage, which is never so sedate and stubborn as towards the close of a doubtful and murderous day? But there was another matter still more important to be settled by the vizier and the governor. The fate of a brave people was to be decided. It was decided in a manner which has left a lasting stain on the fame of Hastings and of England. The people of Central Asia had always been to the inhabitants of India, what the warriors of the German forests were to the subjects of the decaying monarchy of Rome. The dark, slender, and timid Hindoo shrank from a conflict with the strong muscle and resolute spirit of the fair race, which dwelt beyond the passes. There is reason to believe that, at a period anterior to the dawn of regular history, the people who spoke the rich and flexible Sanserit, This was what the nabob vizier asked, and what Hastings was in need of funds to carry on the government of Bengal, and to send remittances to London; and Sujah Dowlah had an ample revenue. Sujah Dowlah was bent on subjugating the Rohillas; and Hastings had at his disposal the only force by which the Rohillas could be subjugated. It was agreed that an English army should be lent to the Nabob Vizier, and that, for the loan, he should pay L.400,000 sterling, besides defraying all the charge of the troops while employed in his service. The soldiers of the Company, trained in an exact discipline, kept unbroken order, while the tents were pillaged by these worthless allies. But many voices were heard to exclaim, We have had all the fighting, and these rogues are to have all the profit.' Then the horrors of Indian war were let loose on the fair valleys and cities of Rohilcund. The whole country was in a blaze. More than a hundred thousand people fled from their homes to pestilential jungles, preferring famine and fever, and the haunts 'I really cannot see,' says the Rev. Mr. Gleig, of tigers, to the tyranny of him, to whom an English 'upon what grounds, either of political or moral jus- and a Christian government had, for shameful lucre, tice, this proposition deserves to be stigmatized as sold their substance and their blood, and the honour infamous. If we understand the meaning of words, of their wives and daughters. Colonel Champion it is infamous to commit a wicked action for hire, remonstrated with the Nabob Vizier, and sent strong and it is wicked to engage in war without provoca- representations to Fort William; but the governor tion. In this particular war, scarcely one aggrava- had made no conditions as to the mode in which the ting circumstance was wanting. The object of the war was to be carried on. He had troubled himself Rohilla war was this-to deprive a large population, about nothing but his forty lacs; and, though he who had never done us the least harm, of a good might disapprove of Sujah Dowlah's wanton barbagovernment, and to place them, against their will, rity, he did not think himself entitled to interfere, under an execrably bad one. Nay, even this is not except by offering advice. This delicacy excites the all. England now descended far below the level admiration of the reverend biographer. Mr. Haseven of those petty German princes, who, about the tings,' he says, 'could not himself dictate to the Nasame time, sold us troops to fight the Americans. bob, nor permit the commander of the Company's hussar-mongers of Hesse and Anspach had at least troops to dictate how the war was to be carried on.' the assurance that the expeditions on which their sol- No, to be sure. Mr. Hastings had only to put down diers were to be employed, would be conducted in con- by main force the brave struggles of innocent men formity with the humane rules of civilized warfare. fighting for their liberty. Their military resistance Was the Rohilla war likely to be so conducted? Did | crushed, his duties ended; and he had then only to the governor stipulate that it should be so con- fold his arms and look on, while their villages were ducted? He well knew what Indian warfare was. burned, their children butchered, and their women He well knew that the power which he covenanted violated. Will Mr. Gleig seriously maintain this to put into Sujah Dowlah's hands would, in all pro- opinion? Is any rule more plain than this, that whobability, be atrociously abused; and he required no ever voluntarily gives to another irresistible power guarantee, no promise that it should not be so over human beings, is bound to take order that such abused. He did not even reserve to himself the power shall not be barbarously abused? But we right of withdrawing his aid in case of abuse, how-beg pardon of our readers for arguing a point so ever gross. Mr. Gleig repeats Major Scott's absurd plea, that Hastings was justified in letting out Eng- We hasten to the end of this sad and disgraceful lish troops to slaughter the Rohillas, because the story. The war ceased. The finest population in Rohillas were not of Indian race, but a colony from India was subjected to a greedy, cowardly, cruel a distant country. What were the English them- tyrant. Commerce and agriculture languished. The selves? Was it for them to proclaim a crusade for rich province which had tempted the cupidity of Suthe expulsion of all intruders from the countries wa- jah Dowlah, became the most miserable part even tered by the Ganges? Did it lie in their mouths to of his miserable dominions. Yet is the injured nacontend that a foreign settler, who establishes an em- tion not yet extinct. At long intervals gleams of its pire in India, is a caput lupinum? What would ancient spirit have flashed forth; and even at this they have said if any other power had, on such a day, valour, and self-respect, and a chivalrous feelground, attacked Madras or Calcutta, without the ing, rare among Asiatics, and a bitter remembrance slightest provocation? Such a defence was want- of the great crime of England, distinguish that noing to make the infamy of the transaction complete.ble Afghan race. To this day they are regarded as the The atrocity of the crime, and the hypocrisy of the best of all sepoys at the cold steel; and it was very apology, are worthy of each other. recently remarked by one who had enjoyed great opOne of the three brigades of which the Bengal ar-portunities of observation, that the only natives of my consisted, was sent under Colonel Champion to India to whom the word 'gentleman' can with perjoin Sujah Dowlah's forces. The Rohillas expostu- fect propriety be applied, are to be found among the lated, entreated, offered a large ransom, but in vain. Rohillas. They then resolved to defend themselves to the last. A bloody battle was fought. The enemy,' says Colonel Champion, gave proof of a good share of military knowledge; and it is impossible to describe a more obstinate firmness of resolution than they displayed.' The dastardly sovereign of Oude fled from the field. The English were left unsupported; but their fire and their charge were irresistible. It was not, however, till the most distinguished chiefs had fallen, fighting bravely at the head of their troops, that the Rohilla ranks gave way. Then the Nabob Vizier and his rabble made their appearance, and hastened to plunder the camp of the valiant enemies, whom they had never dared to look in the face. The JANUARY, 1842,-MUSEUM. 3 6 clear. Whatever we may think of the morality of Hastings, it cannot be denied that the financial results of his policy did honour to his talents. In less than two years after he assumed the government, he had, without imposing any additional burdens on the people subject to his authority, added about 450,000%. to the annual income of the Company, besides procuring about a million in ready money. He had also relieved the finances of Bengal from military expenditure, amounting to near L.250,000 a-year, and had thrown that charge on the Nabob of Oude, There can be no doubt that this was a result which, if it had been obtained by honest means, would have entitled him to the warmest gratitude of his coun |