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and banishment;" to wit, the Word of God; which is able to convert. A means which you as little know as practise; which indeed you deprive the People of! That means may be found ;' together with humanity, good life, equal and honest dealing with men of a different opinion; —which we desire to exercise towards this poor People, if you, by your wicked counsel, make them not incapable to receive it, by putting them into blood !
And therefore, by this also, this that you talk of massacring,' your false and twisted dealing may be a little discovered. Well; your words are, “massacre, destroy and banish."-Good now: give us an instance of one man since my coming into Ireland, not in arms, massacred, destroyed or banished; concerning the massacre or the destruction of whom justice hath not been done, or endeavoured to be done. As for the other of banishment, I must now speak unto the People, whom you would delude, and whom this most concerns; that they may know in this also what to expect at my hands.
The question is of the destruction of life ; or of that which is but little inferior to it, to wit, of banishment. Now First:' I shall not willingly take or suffer to be taken
away the life of any man not in arms, but by the trial to which the People of this Nation are subject by Law, for offences against the same. And . Secondly,' as for the banishment, it hath not hitherto been inflicted on any but such who, being in arms, might justly, upon the terms they were taken 'under,' have been put to death :as 'might' those who are instanced in your Declaration to be s sent to the Tobacco Islands.” And therefore I do declare, That if the People be ready to run to arms by the
1. Concerning the two first of which,' in orig. The italics, in this passage, are mine; and can be removed so soon as Macgeohegan, Carte, Clarendon and Company, have got to be well understood.
instigation of their Clergy or otherwise, such as God by His providence shall give into my hands may expect that or worse measure from me; but not otherwise.
Thirdly, as to that of “the ruin of their Fortune." You instance the Act of Subscription, "whereby the " estates of the Inhabitants of this Nation are sold, so as “ there remaineth now no more but to put the Purchasers “ in possession ;” and that for this cause are the Forces drawn out of England. And that you might carry the Interest far, ‘so as' to engage the Common sort of People with you, you further say to them, That “the moderate usage
hitherto' exercised to them is to no other end “but to our private advantage, and for the better support “ of our Army;" 'we' intending at the close of our “con
quest," as you term it, “to root out the Common-People
also, and to plant the land with Colonies to be brought " hither out of England.” This, consisting of divers parts, will ask distinct answers.
And first, to the Act of Subscription. It's true there is such an Act;— and it was a just one. For when, by your execrable Massacre and Rebellion, you had not only raised a bloody War to justify the same; and thereby occasioned the exhausting the Treasure of England in the
" At the first breaking out of the Irish Rebellion into an Irish Massacre, the King's Exchequer being void, and the case like a case of conflagration, an Act was passed, engaging the Public Faith, That whoever would “subscribe' money towards suppressing the said Rebellion in Ireland, and detestable and horrible Massacre of Protestants there, should, with liberal interest, be repaid from the forfeited Estates of the Rebels,—so soon as they were got. This is the “ Act of Subscription’ spoken of here. His Majesty said: “ How will that answer? It is like selling the bear's skin before you have caught your bear.” A bargain, nevertheless, which hundreds and thousands entered into, with free purse and overflowing heart; above a Quarter of a Million’ raised by it; generous emotion, and tragic terror and pity, lending sanction to doubtful profit-and-loss. A very wise and just Act of Parliament, the Lord Lieutenant thinks; which did also fulfil its engagements by and by.
prosecution of so just a War against you,—was it not a wise and just act in the State to raise money by escheating the Lands of those who had a hand in the Rebellion ? Was it not fit to make their Estates to defray the charge, who had caused the trouble? The best therefore that lies in this argument is this,—and that only reaching to them who have been in arms, for further it goes not: “ You have forfeited your Estates, and it is likely they will be escheated to make satisfaction; and therefore you had better fight it out than repent or give off now ;-or else,' see what mercy you may find from the State of England. And seeing holy Church is engaged in it, we will, by one means or another, hook-in the Commons, and make them sensible that they are as much concerned as you, though they were never in arms, or came quickly off!"—And for this cause doubtless are these two coupled together; by which your honest dealing is manifest enough.
But what ? Was the English Army brought over for this purpose, as you allege? Do you think that the State of England will be at Five or Six Millions charge merely to procure Purchasers to be invested in that for which they did disburse little above a Quarter of a Million ? Although there be a Justice in that also, which ought, and I trust will be seasonably performed toward them.—No, I can give you a better reason for the Army coming over than this. England hath had experience of the blessing of God in prosecuting just and righteous Causes, whatever the cost and hazard be! And if ever men were engaged in a righteous Cause in the world, this will scarce be a second to it. We are come to ask an account of the innocent blood that hath been shed; and to endeavour to bring to an account,—by the blessing and presence of the Almighty, in whom alone is our hope and strength,—all who,
by appearing in arms, seek to justify the same. to break the power of a company of lawless Rebels, who having cast-off the Authority of England, live as enemies to Human Society; whose principles, the world hath experience, are, To destroy and subjugate all men not complying with them. We come, by the assistance of God, to hold forth and maintain the lustre and glory of English Liberty in a Nation where we have an undoubted right to do it; - wherein the People of Ireland (if they listen not to such seducers as you are) 'may equally participate in all benefits; to use their' liberty and fortune equally with Englishmen, if they keep out of arms.
And now, having said this to you, I have a word to them ; that in this point, which concerns them in their estates and fortunes, they may know what to trust to. Such as have been formerly in arms, may, submitting themselves, have their cases presented to the State of England; —where no doubt the State will be ready to take into consideration the nature and quality of their actings, and deal mercifully with them. As for those now in arms, who shall come in, and submit, and give Engagements for their future quiet and honest carriage, and submission to the State of England, I doubt not but they will find like merciful consideration ;-except only the Leading Persons and principal Contrivers of this Rebellion, whom I am fident they will reserve to make examples of Justice, whatsoever hazards they incur thereby.-And as for such Private Soldiers as lay down their arms, and shall live
I Liberty,' here, which much astonishes our Irish friends, is very far from meaning what in most modern dialects it now does. •Liberty' with this Lord Lieutenant, means rigorous settled Obedience to Laws that are just. Which it is very noble indeed to settle,' and hold forth and maintain' against all men. Laws grounded on the eternal Fact of Things,—which is a much preferable 'ground" to the porary Fiction of Things, as set forth at any Clonmacnoise, Kilkenny, or other Supreme Centre-of-Jargon, there or elsewhere, that has been or that can be !
peaceably and honestly at their several homes, they shall be permitted so to do.-And, in general,' for the first two sorts, 'for such as have been or as now are in arms and shall submit,' I shall humbly and effectually represent their cases to the Parliament, as far as becomes the duty and place I bear. But as for those who, notwithstanding all this, persist and continue in arms, they must expect what the Providence of God, in that which is falsely called the Chance of War, will cast upon them.
For such of the Nobility, Gentry and Commons of Ireland as have not been actors in this Rebellion, they shall and may expect the protection in their Goods, Liberties and Lives which the Law gives them; and in their husbandry, merchandising, manufactures and other trading whatsoever, the same. They behaving themselves as becomes honest and peaceable men ; testifying their good affections, upon all occasions, to the service of the State of England, equal justice shall be done them with the English. They shall bear proportionably with them in taxes. And if the Soldiery be insolent upon them, upon complaint and proof, it shall be punished with utmost severity, and they protected equally with Englishmen.
And having said this, and purposing honestly to perform it,—if this People shall headily run on after the counsels of their Prelates and Clergy and other Leaders, I hope to be free from the misery and desolation, blood and ruin that shall befall them; and shall rejoice to exercise utmost severity against them.
OLIVER CROMWELL.'* “Given at Youghal, —January 1649.'
* Declaration, &c. as above given. Licensed by the Secretary of the Army. Printed at Cork : and reprinted at London, by E. Griffin, and are to be sold in the Old Bailey ; March 21, 1649. King's Pamphlets, small 4to, no. 462, § 6. In Ayscough mss. no. 4769 (a Fragment of an anonymous