As my first Sabbath in the West was a fair specimen of many others. I can do no better than give a description of that day. It was a bright sunshiny morning, the birds were singing loudly in the tops of the trees which lined the cañon. when I woke to wonder what I could do that long long day. But the odor of coffee and of ham and eggs roused me to action. After a hasty toilet, I joined the family at breakfast.

"Well, I suppose you would like to attend church at the Tabernacle," said mine host.

"And listen to the priest of ceremonies," added his wife.

“Certainly, if you promise anything so entertaining." I said. "But where?" "Never mind, but wait and see," was the reply.

So, curbing my desire to ask questions, we were soon driving over a rolling prairie at a merry speed.

"Seems to me we are going in a circle," I at last remarked. "And we are; there's my school-house now."

"Or the Tabernacle on Sundays," said mine host. There were a number of lumber-wagons standing near. Horses tied to the wheels were quietly eating the hay in the boxes, but not a wagon contained a seat. Entering the house, this was explained. For the floor was covered with spring-seats from the wagons, thus accomodating quite a large audience. We were just in time to hear the preacher say: "All rise and sing.”

Can you imagine congregational sing ing, which consists of voices high and low, fast and slow, with infinite variety

of slurs and holds each being sung aecording to the singer's individual idea of time and tune. If so, you have a faint conception of that part of the day's wor ship. Evidently, the preacher trusted to some particular endowment of the spirit, rather than any educational advantages. And though he introduced Zacheus to his hearers as he "klumb a tree" and left him "thar a settin'," while he "drug" their attention to other scenes; still the majority of his audience seemed to be highly edified. The sermon ended, the men walked out to their horses, and horse trading was the next theme of interest to them, while the women gossipped of home affairs, and cast furtive glances at the teacher.

But at last the day's worship and visit were ended. The western sun bathed the green prairies in gorgeous splendor, as it sank out of sight, leaving us in silent, shadowy twilight.

One thing always noticeable in the West, is the short twilights. The great ball of fire drops below the horizon, and in a few moments the last ray of light is gone. Bright starlight, or soft moonlight reminds one of Italian skies.

All too quickly I entered for the last time the rude school-house, at the end of a four-months' term, and with mutual regrets teacher and pupils said goodbye. That district now boasts of a fine frame building, with many a convenience which I had needed so badly.

But the ever restless pioneer still pushes on, just out of reach of good schools, and still you can find the sodhouse and its accompanying associations.

Florence A. Davidson.

EGARDING "the tar iff" as very important for the weal or woe of the sixty millions of human beings in the United States, I desire to submit some remarks, which are in tended to deal with the economic bearings of the question, irrespective of party. To my mind, the platform of neither of the great parties offers an entirely correct solution of the matter; yet one is within bounds where it can consistently adopt the correct solution, while the position of the other is in outand-out hostility to any possible correct economic view. Hence, while I may desire to be non-partisan, it will become necessary, in order to have any effect on the public mind, to review the position of the erring side in contrast with what I consider the correct view; and to that extent I may appear partisan.

Mr. Hancock said the tariff was a local question, meaning thereby that it was a question to be looked at from a sectional, State or Congressional district standpoint. Now, while that has been the view and practice of many public men in dealing with the question, yet enlightened statesmanship must pronounce it a fallacy.

Nationally speaking, it is and should be a local question, for there is no principle of universal application controlling or governing it. Just what position the various nations of the globe should take with reference to the "tariff" depends on their surroundings, advantages and possessions; but, instead of using the word "tariff," I will rather say what rules or laws they should adopt with reference to their dealings, commercially and otherwise, with other nations. What would be good for one would not be good for another, and what would be correct statesmanship in one case would be quite the reverse in another. Hence, there is no universal rule or principle

VOL. VIII.-47

governing the matter. Every government must adopt a policy to be shaped by and in accord with its own respective advantages.

No writer or teacher of political economy can ever lay down or determine a policy for all nations, or perhaps for the government of more than any one nation, at the same time; but the statesman of each nation having his mind turned towards the welfare of his country and the people therein, must look to his nation's surroundings and possibilities, and decide upon a policy accordingly. It is a question of nation dealing with nation, or, rather, a question of national governments adopting national laws with reference to their traffic or intercourse with other nations. Hence, the subject should always be taken in a national way and not with an eye to subdivisions or localities of the nation; and it seems to me that the man or statesman who cannot enlarge himself sufficiently take such a view has no fitness for a position in the councils of a nation.

Further, nothing practical nor settled can ever result from any but a national view of the question. Practical and sensible legislation requires that, as an alderman of a city you should not try to get all the favors for your particular ward; for there are many other aldermen there to see that you do not get them; but after working for matters which are purely local, then your duty should be to cast your thoughts on your city as a whole, against all other cities. As a member of a county court, it is idle to suppose that you can get all the fine bridges and good roads in your district; for there are many other members there to see that you do not. As a member of the State Legislature, or as Governor of the State, go for your State, as a whole, against all other States. As a member of Congress, either as Senator or Representative, do not suppose that you can have your particular State or

Congressional district placed away up on a pinnacle of favors above all others; for there are several hundred Congressmen and scores of Senators there to see that it is not done, and it is utterly useless to attempt it; but after attending to your purely local matters, which other Congressmen have no direct interest in whatever, give your attention to the United States of America as a whole against all other nations. This is the only way to legislate practically, and the only way to accomplish anything permanent and of value.

Before entering on the argument I propose to make on the subject of the tariff as applicable to the United States of America, I will set out the peculiar surroundings of this nation as compared with other nations, and set up certain truths or principles on which I propose to build my argument, or rather which I propose to set up as guides in accordance with which I must steer, but not against, across or into; and, furthermore, I propose to correct some erroneous views in regard to things which the people now sleep on as true.

It is generally considered that the tariff is a very complicated subject, very difficult to understand and adjust. This is correct if we look at it and attempt to understand and adjust it in the way many of our American statesmen do. For instance, it is impossible to run through the many thousand articles which the people use, consume and import; put this on the free list, on that impose a certain per cent. duty or tariff, on another a higher rate, and on still another a specific or an ad valorem duty; and, at the same time, to adjust the rate of duty to such a point that it will on the one hand equalize the price of labor in America and all other countries; and, on the other hand, collect just so much revenue and no more, avoiding a deficit, and by no means allowing an accumulation in the treasury; meanwhile imposing the "least amount of taxation," as they term it, "on the oppressed people;" and finally making everybody happy and pleased with the result of the adjustment.

No man ever lived, or ever will live, who could and will understand the subject sufficiently to view and handle it

in this way. It would be about as easy for a fashionably dressed party of ladies and gentlemen to gracefully dance a quadrille on a floating raft of miscellaneous sized logs, tied together with strings. If we were all Solomons, still no permanent, practical or beneficial adjustment or understanding can be had in this way.

To my mind, the tariff viewed in the only way in which any practical good can and will come to the American people is simple and susceptible of being understood by any common-sensed man, educated or uneducated.

I will now set up my guides as referred to above: There are, first, the surroundings, possessions and advantages of the United States of America. Territorially it extends from Canada and the Lakes north to the Gulf of Mexico on the south, and from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific; suffice it to say that it embraces all the climates and all the soils necessary to produce, with few exceptions, everything agricultural with as great perfection and as little labor as can be produced in any other part of the civilized globe, and that it has sufficient space to produce many times more than our present population could possibly consume. In short, from an agricultural standpoint, the people have the natural means, with very few exceptions, to live up to the highest possible civilization which has ever been attained, or is likely to be attained for centuries to come. There are many millions of acres of land which are not likely to be called into requisition for the support of the present population and their offspring for centuries.

In the fabricating or manufacturing line the resources are equal to, or even greater, than in the agricultural. To enumerate some of the items that enter largely into manufacturing generally: We have coal in nearly every State in the Union. On the eastern shore of the United States it runs from northern Pennsylvania to middle or southern Alabama, passing through the States of Pennsylvania, Maryland, West and Old Virginia, Eastern Kentucky, Tennessee and Alabama. There are many seams of it, enough to supply the civilized world for generations. Then, in

addition, Western Kentucky, Arkansas, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Missouri, Texas and the Indian Nation, all have millions of acres of fine practical working seams of coal. Then as you pass beyond the vast agricultural and grazing plains in the West and come to the Rocky Mountains, vast amounts of coal have been discovered and are being developed there. So it can be seen, coal is in great abundance and broad-spread all over the United States-about as much so as agricultural land.

Next, we will take iron ore: There are great and practically inexhaustible strata and deposits of iron ore running from Lake Champlain to Tuscaloosa, Alabama, passing through the States of New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, West and Old Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia and Alabama. Then iron ore abounds in Mississippi, Arkansas, Texas, Missouri, middle Tennessee, west Kentucky, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Colorado, and in the Rocky, Mountains, from Canada to Mexico. Thus it will be seen that iron ore is also about as extensive and broad-spread over the United States as agricultural lands. course all lands are more or less agricultural, but what I mean is the desirable fertile land.

Of

Then next we have zinc, copper, gold, silver, lead, other minerals, and all the varieties of clay and stone, equal to or in excess of any other nation.

Next we have wood or lumber, spread all over the United States, equal to any country. Cotton we can produce equal to any probable demand. Wool we can produce on our farms and plains, in time, sufficient to supply the civilized world.

Without reciting further, I will say that all these things which I have enumerated, and many which I have not thought of and mentioned, can be had ready for manufacturing purposes with as little labor as they can be obtained on any part of the globe, and some with much less labor. Hence I say we are nationally as well or better provided naturally for fabricating or manufacturing than we are for agriculture. Yet while this is so, we are not in a manufacturing way superior in natural resources, in many branches, to other nations as we are in agricultural resources; not that our natural manufact

uring resources are in any respect scant: On the contrary, they are enormous, but the natural manufacturing resources of other nations in many lines are also enormous, whilst their agricultural resources, for their population, are scant and insufficient. In both, the United States is blest with a superabundance for ages to come.

Thus it will be seen, if what I have here stated is even approximately true (and I think nearly every one who knows enough of our country knows it is true), our country is quite as well equipped naturally for manufacturing as it is for agriculture. Furthermore, the resources of each are about equally widespread, and consequently each is as difficult to monopolize; for there are millions of acres of coal, iron, zinc, copper, and other mineral land already discovered which can be purchased at very low prices, and many millions of acres now belonging to the government, while there are doubtless many millions of acres yet to be discovered, and in wood or lumber lands there are many millions of acres to be had for a merely nominal price.

So much for the United States in the agricultural and manufacturing lines.

Now for internal and sea-coast, commercial, natural and artificial advantages. In navigable waters, coursing in various directions through the United States, we are equal, if not superior, to any other country. In canals, railroads, and sea coast we are certainly equal.

Finally, we are naturally as smart and vigorous a race of people as any other country, of between fifty and sixty millions in number, capable of doing and learning to do, any and all things that any other people can do; a people, the great bulk of whom have been reared as freemen, as sovereigns instead of as subjects, not accustomed to bow to any fixed and permanent superiors, and accustomed to a mode of living far above pauperism.

This is a fine make-up, and everybody who may read this will know that it is substantially correct. There is no country with such advantages on the globe. Really it is about the only country susceptible of correct statesmanship; that is, where correct economic laws can be put in practical operation and allow the highest degree of prosperity and civilization