and flavor, in the gases absorbed and given out, does the fungus resemble the animal. Those curious forms which begin to prey upon it on the third or fourth day of its growth are like those which infest animals, and it wears all colors save green, the universal hue of vegetation.

These strange fugacious beings seem like visitants from another sphere, they have so little in common with our plant life. They love to haunt

Some lone Egerian grove,
Where sacred and o'er-greeting branches shed

Perpetual eve and all the cheated hours sing vespers. If the olive were the gift of Athena, we can easily fancy these silvery disks, that wear her livery by day, to be the offering of Diana to men. They are true to the deity, for they never seek, like other plants, the sun. Organized water," the scientists call the jelly-fish; the cool, frigid surface of the mushroom in the moonlight bespeaks the same origin.

But how shall we describe these phantom growths? A stalk, a creamy stem, with pith-like centre, springs from the ground (it has been estimated that the growth of fungi is at the rate of twenty thousand cells a minute). It is crowned with a hollow, cup-like dome-the pileus. Within the cap, the fringes or gills, in which are embedded the spores, soon begin to form. Before the spores are matured, a veil of exquisite delicacy, plaited and folded like a lady's fan, of palest pink, protects them; as they ripen, the veil becomes darker, and at the moment of maturity parts and vanishes, leaving only a trace of its existence in the annulus about the stem. "Each mushroom is a corporate structure built up of individual fungi." The microscope reveals that the spores are commonly in groups of four, each borne upon a short, slender stalk. It has never been discovered under what conditions they germinate; no mushroom has ever been raised from a spore; there is no plant whose beginning is so lost in obscurity. The mystery of resurrection, the blossoming of death in life, seems brought one step nearer to our apprehension by these fungus growths; but instantly new mysteries belonging to them alone confront us. Who shall wrest her secret from the mushroom, and providing the necessary conditions

cause these flowers of the night to spring up at will?

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Their stay is even shorter than that of the herb of the field. Four or five days sum up the earthly career; the tents of the pastures are furled as silently as those of the desert, and leave as little apparent trace; but the brief life-time has been enormously productive. "No one," says Emerson, cares for planting the poor fungus, so Nature shakes down from the gills of one agaric countless spores, any one of which, being preserved, transmits new billions of spores to-morrow or next day." Their short lives are due to the great quantities of nitrogen-the most unstable of elements-which they produce.

The mushroom is a great mimic, and it is said all the vital organs of man and beast are reproduced in these vegetable forms, some of them carrying the resemblance so far as to drop tears of blood upon being punctured. A pleasanter fancy is that suggested by the shelf-fungus, whose wavy lines may be conceived as the ripples left by retreating Time upon its hoary surface.

These vegetable forms played an important part in the Roman cuisine. Pliny says, "the tenderest be those that breed in the spring," and that in his day they were prepared "with fine knives and amber razors and other vessels of silver plate." Allusions to them are frequent in Italian epigrams. Martial says, “It is easy to send as a gift silver, gold, a cloak or a toga, but difficult to send boleti." "A favorite Italian curse is, "May he eat of a pratiolo." Landor alludes to the national weakness for these delicacies:

Upon his death-bed lay a pagan priest;
A pious brother, when the worst had ceast
Consoled him thus:

"Think now what pleasure yields

The nearer prospects of Elysian fields." "Ah!" said he, "all about those fields we know, But mushrooms-are good mushrooms there below!”

The Germans, however, seem to have exceeded other nations in their appreciation; for, finding that they grew more abundantly where the ground had been burned over, they fired the forests, until the government interfered-a story which recalls Charles Lamb's extravaganza of the origin of roast pork.

There are other and less pleasant parts

which the mushroom has played. Poets and painters have chosen it for the throne of the piquant sprite Puck, a fancy charmingly wrought out by Sir Joshua Reynolds. Its relation to the deadly toadstool, and its having been used as a medium for conveying poison, have brought it into bad odor, and in more countries than Holland it is known as "the Duyvel's broot." The Agaricus musearius has a lovely orange cap, starred with silver tufts, but the Russians and Italians brew from it so dreadful a drink that he who partakes is capable of any crime in the frenzy which precedes death. They personify the diabolical agent, and declare that in murder and suicide they but follow its behest.

It was a poisoned mushroom, spiced by the order of Agrippina, that sent the

emperor Claudius to that bourne whence even Roman emperors were powerless to return. The cruel Agrippina was subsequently poisoned in the same way by her son Nero, whom she had elevated to the throne by the death of Claudius.

The days of such crimes are over, and these silvery spheres that star our fields have no such part to play.

O children of the moonlight and the mist,
That spring like bubbles on the meadow breast,
And sink, as gleaming foam, swiftly to rest;
Strange Destiny your pallid faces kist,
For lo! ghost-like your wav'ring feet were set
To haunt the confines of two worlds. Plant-life
That beats in you must ever be at strife
With Life Intelligent, and both have met
Within your cells. Thro' struggle all was won,
And not in vain your gropings in the dark,
O phantoms pale, for that one spirit-spark
That linked You with the Whole, the goal attained;
One life there is that swells thro' earth's wide span,
And beats triumphantly thro' you in Man!
Annie Bronson King.

HE Surplus ! The Surplus!! That's the ghost that will not down at the bidding of the politicians at their Barmecide feast. "How shall we get rid of the surplus?" is their cry, and, whether by removing taxes on whiskey or tobacco, or by reducing the tariff on imports, or by increasing the tariff to a prohibitory standard, still the object is the same, namely, to reduce this terrible surplus that persists in pouring into the United States Treasury.

Unfortunately we are the only people in the world's history that have had to face this awful question, so we have no prece

dent to guide us. To be sure England, with her debt of $3,711,412,055, would hardly object to finding a good-sized balance after paying the millions it takes to support the queen and her numerous progeny, and to run her army and build her navy and take care of the superfluous crop of noblemen, lords, dukes, et al., that devour like locusts. France might be willing to stop her petty foolish squabbles between childish factions long enough to count a few billions of surplus revenue to at least hold back the tide of increasing debt that is threatening to overwhelm her. Germany would cause Bismarck's wrinkled face to soften somewhat could she pour revenues into his open hand sufficient to pay the enormous debt and build a navy and buy new rifles for the army.

And

"It will never do to have such a surplus! The surplus must be reduced in some way!"

Absurd! This government should be run on ordinary business principles. It is as if a merchant on counting his gains should find he had made a great deal of money, and should call his buyer and say, 'We must stop making so much money. Really we are too prosperous. Now we must either drive trade away or you must stop buying and selling those silks and satins and velvets and laces on which we have so large a profit."

The question should not be "How can we cut down our revenue so as to have no surplus?" Not at all. The only question about the tariff worthy of a moment's consideration is, "What tariff will tend to develop and build up the United States, protect its investments, whether of capital or labor, and make its people the most prosperous and happy on the globe?" Let us settle this question without regard to the surplus, and then if the surplus comes let us welcome it as a blessing. "What shall we do with it?" What a question! Supposing our surplus was as many billions as it is millions it could be used to benefit the country immensely. There are thousands of miles of coast line crying for improvements and for protection. Build up our forts, dig out our harbors, improve our coasts for safety and convenience of ships. There are thousands and tens of thousands of miles of rivers and lake-fronts that need almost countless millions to develop the great interior of our wonderful land and build up our interstate commerce. And our navy! Have we no pride, no foresight? There should be to-day ten ships building to every one now on the stocks, and a good portion of our surplus might be put into vessels that would entitle us to the respect of at least such nations as Greece, Spain and Italy. Then, supposing after all this had been done, a few millions were crying to be used, there are thousands of cities and towns that would not object to neat, ornamental and useful post-office buildings where the people could be served with some degree of satisfaction and pride. And such buildings, even in smaller towns, would give an impetus to growth and tend to improve and cultivate the community.

It is even doubtful whether either of the distinguished aspirants for the Presidency would now object to seeing a fair number of millions laid out in reclaiming the swamps and flats that tend to render Washington unhealthful; and if a decent residence was built in accordance with the ordinary principles of hygiene for the accommodation of the fortunate candidate, it certainly would be a better plan than to remove the tax on whiskey, or the tariff on luxuries for the sake of reducing the surplus.

"But public works are carried on so expensively and at so much greater cost than necessary."

It is true that public money is not so economically handled as private funds.

No doubt, in every public building money is stolen or squandered. If we can stop this, let us do so, but it is true that the petty politician and pot-house economist who is continually crying out against this evil, is the first to dip his hands into the treasury when he gets a chance, and to logroll and pull wires and make combines without regard to public interests if he can thereby get some appropriation, however needless, for his district, or some contract for a political friend.

The fact is, that generally the work is done as well and as economically as could be reasonably expected.

And when divides are made and fortunes stolen, the work often in the end proves of greater value than its cost. Millions were wasted and stolen on the wonderfully beautiful Central Park, New York, but one might double its cost twice over and pour the money into the city treasury, as an offering for the land alone, and the offer would scarcely be considered.

This must not be understood to be a defence of or even an excuse for the logrolling methods so common in our legislative bodies to secure the passage of appropriations. But a stream will rise no higher than its source, and as long as any State or city, whether it be South Carolina or New York, refuses to so guard its ballot boxes as to secure a fair vote and an honest count; as long as votes are openly bought and sold and the sin is winked at by local leaders and by the masses themselves, so long the men

elected by these methods, may be expected to work for selfish interests, to say the least, and legislative enactments will be influenced by members who are affected in pocket or position by such action. This matter is in the hands of the voters. Let them make honesty the first qualification for office, let them show their servants that a single dishonest vote will put them under the people's feet, and let the masses themselves be so filled with love for and pride in the greatest of all countries the world has ever seen, that with them America is first and party last, and then the men asking for votes will be filled with the same spirit and will act more for the common welfare, and less for their own. There is another reason why, if this surplus persists in flowing into our treasury, it should be welcomed.

The interests of capital and labor are identical. When business is good, work is plentiful and laboring men are well paid. When business is dull, the reverse is true. The student of political economy can predict the period of depression in trade, or "hard times" as they are called, with as much certainty as the Signal Service Bureau foretells the changes of weather. These cycles of hard times come round with quite a fair degree of regularity.

We are just entering another period of depression. Unless something is done to prevent it, times will grow worse, and for the next three or four years there will be great failures, thousands and tens of thousands will be thrown out of work, panics will cause ruin to many, and the entire country will suffer.

Probably at no time in the history of the United States has there ever been greater prosperity in the North than during the years of our late war.

The reasons were threefold:

I. The United States drew from the ranks of workers an immense number of men for its own service. This caused a demand on the part of the private employers for more help than could be obtained. The demand was greater than the supply, and wages were correspondingly increased.

II. The Government became a purchaser in the open markets. The prices offered and paid enabled the seller and

manufacturer to make good profits and pay good wages, besides adding to the industries of the nation.

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III. The Government put large amounts of money in circulation, made money plenty." It is true that as long as this money and these expenditures were largely wasted-that is, were non-producing the permanent results were not good; but the fact and the lesson remain.

Without enlarging upon these facts, or following out the lesson beyond the limits allowed for this article, the inferences are unavoidable:

I. The surplus, unless obtained in a way prejudicial to the people, is the only hope we have of meeting and overcoming the present advancing period of depression. By using this, as pointed out previously, the Government would draw a large number of men from their regular employments, which would increase the wages of the rest of the working

men.

II. This great army of men employed on internal improvements, and on coast defences and in navy yards, would make the Government again a large purchaser of supplies and material, thus giving an impetus to private enterprises.

III. The surplus spent in this way among the people would make money plenty, and thus help business and foster trade.

IV. As much of the money so expended would be on internal improvements, the good results would be permanent, encouraging trade, making transportation easy and cheap, and uniting by still stronger bonds our great country.

V. The great demand for labor would serve to increase wages in all kinds of employments; and if the proper restraints were put at once on immigration, so as to prevent an influx of foreign cheap labor from flooding our market, the natural growth of this country and its positional advantages would give the workingmen such exceptional opportunities as to ensure for a long time, at least, good wages and permanent employment.

Many other national benefits would, doubtless, follow these expenditures. But there is still another channel into which a large portion of the surplus could be

turned with great wisdom and lasting usefulness to the Nation.

No one doubts the wisdom that established naval and military schools to train officers for the army and navy. Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, McClellan, Hancock, Farragut, and a host of other witnesses to their value and efficiency prove, if proofs are needed, that these schools are a necessity. Are there not other training schools needed in which men and women should be taught to produce values? Is not production in any line as valuable to the Nation as destruction? The greatest need to-day for expenditure of the Nation's money, and the one that will make the greatest returns, is the establishment, at the several centres of population, of large training schools for the purpose of instructing men and women in the science of education, and thus fitting them to be the great leaders of our educational system.

The plan should be similar to that of West Point. Selections of students could be made from the particular section covered by each school, by a competitive examination which should include ability, desire, and fitness to teach. Students should be allowed a salary sufficient to support them during the course, so that talent would be enabled to compete successfully with wealth.

Our fathers felt the need of education. They paid money freely according to their ability, to give their children fair advantages. The work was done well for the times; but the times change, and our needs change with them. There has never been, and is not to-day, any real system in our education. Here and there a born teacher, like Horace Mann, inspired by the greatness of his work, broke through the restraints of the age, made the people catch glimpses of real education; and to-day Massachusetts points with pride to the time when he put new life into teachers and pushed the schools to the front rank in this country. But these men are few, and when they die no Elisha stands waiting to receive their mantle. Our educational system, if it can be called a system, is desultory and unsettled. Here and there a Moses has arisen promising to lead the people into the promised land. He has accomplished something by rousing the

people to a sense of the value of proper instruction. He has sometimes added a thought to the methods employed. But, in general, on account of his lack of proper training, his own one-sidedness has nearly ruined the good ideas he had, and his influence has been destroyed.

The schools are left, to a large extent, groping in the desert, without proper guidance. There are thousands of excellent teachers, who are doing the best they can, but who lack that training necessary to the highest success, and the large amount of money poured out upon our common-school system brings back comparatively poor results. With National training-schools established and put in successful operation, a system of instruction with proper courses of study would soon be established, and would be gradually adopted in our common schools throughout the land. West Point to-day rules military instruction wherever it is given in our academies and colleges. A National training-school at the head of our educational system would soon guide, direct and improve all school instruction.

In addition to this, large sums of money could be judiciously distributed among the States to support the common schools. The Blair bill looking to this end is now before Congress, but its features are so objectionable that it will undoubtedly be killed. In the near future, however, if the prosperity of our country continues the surplus to an extent to warrant it, it is to be hoped that permanent provision will be made for partially supporting the people's schools. There is more need of it to-day than ever before, since "higher education" has run mad and is absorbing the money that should be spent on the schools for the masses.

Good use could also be made of a few millions each year in establishing National Schools of Industry in which every leading trade should be represented and taught in such a way as to improve the products and mode of production. Some States have felt this need and have established schools of this nature, and are reaping the benefits resulting from them. But they belong to the nation, and if once established would have a far greater hold on the masses than the present military and naval schools.