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In his visions, the pictures that have come of white beach and blue distance dotted with sails or driven into foam by steamers' wheels; the sound he has heard of soft rippling of water on shingle or thundering dash of surf against opposing crags, and the sweet breath of the sea that comes to the senses as strongly as if one were upon a planet where land was not; all these fill his fancies until longing grows so strong that its gratification is a real need.

When for the first time he stands upon a beach and feasts every sense upon the glowing picture, and his dreams have taken shape at last, there comes a renewal of force with salt smells, of bracing with tonics of caressing surges, that no mountain bath could bring. Everything is novel.

There are men around, quaint of speech and garb, whose home is on the sea and who never tire of spinning yarns of perils of their wandering life-stories that never pall nor grow tiresome.

Food is strange, and the many things that ocean gives to eat have a sharp tang that stirs up appetites clogged with inland diet.

And day by day, lying on warm sand, paddling in surf or skimming over blue water in skiff or catboat, the inlander gains strength as he never could have done among his native hills. His holiday is of actual money value, has added to his length of days and made him a happier, better man.

For many a month the store of shells, pebbles and mosses that came home with him form attractive ornaments for the house among the hills, and serve to illustrate the yarns he has to spin of our sweet days on Narragansett Bay.

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But for all whose life is within these sea influences, they are grown "stale and unprofitable."

Dwellers by the ocean find their blood too highly charged with salt-in need of dilution, so to speak.

To them, the sights, sounds and odors that have grown familiar are become tiresome; they need a change. He who lives within twenty miles of the sea-for so far its strong presence prevails-finds in upper levels beauties that are reserved for him alone. Satiated with saline charms, he needs and seeks variety, in which only can the changeful activity of human nature find repose. When the time comes to decide upon a route for vacation travel, and choice is not bounded by need, no pictures of steamer or of sea cover his table.

Ranges of mountains with lofty peaks projecting from masses of highland pines occupy his attention, and in place of deep diapason of the surge, he longs for song of breezes among hemlock boughs and the babbling tones of dancing mountain streams. VOL. VIII.-24

Charged with heavy air, his lungs long for the perfumed breath of upland woods, and every drop of blood, every conscious cerebration demands the change; and when the starting day comes and swift trains carry him away from the sea, each mile seems to lift a weight from his heart.

As wide salt marshes and level coast-lines grow into curving hills and drop into ravines; as meadows and lawns give place to rocks and patches of buckwheat, his soul exults, and when, the mountain station reached, he leaves the rattling train, there comes with the first deep draught of quiet, pure, cool mountain air, a sense of exhilaration, of freedom and sweet enjoyment that a month at seaside could not give.

Then, calm, restful nights, when one lies down to sleep with great mountain peaks for sentinels and soughing of winds through firs for lullaby, and awakes to sunrise effects on green intervals and shining river; when it seems a weary time to wait for breakfast; when every nerve is alive and wit sparkles like dewdrops on the grass in front of the inn; that is but a small part of what the seaside dweller finds among the mountains to enjoy.

Each day brings some new delight. A drive to a near cascade, whose water has carved out a clean circle from the hills, set with sparkling springs and carpeted with softest sward, where men have built mills, whose clanking chimes rudely with the voice of the waterfall; a clamber to a lookout from a neighboring peak, through woods all aglow with wild flowers and fragrant vines, whence all the kingdoms of surrounding earth may be seen; long walks in lovely valleys to cull rare plants or tease small fishes in crystal brooks; these and more than these form the medicine chest of him who chooses a mountain summer-home.

And the upshot is that a radical change should be made. Let all who live on the edge of creation, so far as land is concerned, go backwards; and those who live upon the curves, come down. In other words, the greatest benefit will be derived from the most radical change.

I have recently met with several cases of insomnia due to over-taxation of the American nervous system, and have been requested to prescribe some drug that should be effective to produce sleep and be at the same time harmless.

No such drug exists!

There is not one medicine capable of quieting to sleep voluntary life that has been working ten hours at high pressure, except it be more or less poisonous. Consumption of chloral, bromine in some form, or opium, has increased in this country to an incredible extent, is still growing, and a large number of

Americans go to bed every night more or less under the influence of poisons. Sleep thus obtained is not restful nor restorative, and nature sternly exacts her penalties for violated law, more severe in these cases than in most others. Digestion suffers first,-one is rarely hungry for breakfast, and loss of morning appetite is a certain sign of ill health. Increasing nervousness follows until days become burdens and poisoned nights the only comfortable parts of life.

What then is to be done?

I find that much good comes from systematic evening exercise, absolute abstention from evening brain-work, and drinking a tumbler of hot milk just before retiring. Such delightful nights as are now current offer no impediment to walking, and muscular fatigue, not carried too far, is a most excellent preparation for sleep. The milk must be hot, not boiled, and persevered in steadily for at least twenty days, either dropping altogether the accustomed drug at once, or steadily lessening the dose if sudden cessation should prove dangerous.

It is in these simple remedial measures that most people fail. A patient for whom I prescribed this plan reported its failure, but added that he had not been at all systematic in trying it. Now, had I asked him to take some nauseous potion in place of hot milk, he would never have missed a night; but so simple a thing seemed almost foolish, and he let it go.

In April Jottings" something was said about the delusion of so-called Christian

Scientists. Since then a chief expounder of the fraud has been held to answer a charge of manslaughter in Malden, Mass., and is in a fair way to serve the State for some time in penitential garb therefor. The girl who died from sheer neglect of medical aid, is by no means the first sacrifice of the kind, but it is to be hoped that a few salutary examples like this arrest may help to bring some people's minds back to a perception of ordinary common sense.

Inquiring of a lady adherent of this mania regarding the circumstances of this murder, I was informed, "Oh! doctor, that man was only a faith-cure doctor; he was no Christian scientist. Do you know that if he had been one of the proper sort, death could not have occurred? Why, I would, if properly prepared by my science, be willing to let a mad dog attack me, and be in no danger whatever."

Each one of these deluded persons seems to believe, as a part of his creed, that all others are but impostors; that he alone possesses the true recipe, and that any other's interference will be fatal.

It seems as if the State should exercise some authority in prevention of murder by this plan as well as by steel or firearms; but it is a free country, and as I heard a prominent man say quite recently, "Every one in America has a right to be poisoned in his or her own way. Some prefer tobacco, some rum, and some Christian science,-let him have his wish."

William F. Hutchinson, M. D.

TIMELY TOPICS.*

The Saloon and the Anarchists.

THE attention of the reading public has been called to witness in embryo the possibilities of danger to the public weal by the loose manner in which Americans conduct the affairs of state. This attention has become more deeply riveted by a perusal of the papers on "My Dream of Anarchy and Dynamite' in THE AMERICAN MAGAZINE for May and June. The definition for the word "anarchy" is given by commentators as "a state of society without any regular government, when a country is torn by the strife of parties, and no law or authority remains." A further citation discloses the declaration that "complete anarchy is necessarily rare and of short duration; but conditions approaching to it often arise after revolutions and grace abuses in government."

To the careful reader it looks absurd to place anarchy, or a state of disorganized society, upon a par with the results of righteous conquests, and it is certainly no mark of research or good judgment to thus place it before the public as a morsel of information. The author of the able article to which reference has been made evidently looks upon this question with the same critical eye.

However, the condition of society is indeed in a state of unrest-call it anarchy or what not-and there is an absolute necessity of a reform that will restore harmony. The two remedial agencies suggested by the author in his foot-notes are good, since the object is to reduce the danger by creating additional laws, and, though it gives life to additional villainy, give safety to the public without creating harmony. There are tomes of law whose judicial wrongs spread from ocean to

*The pages of this department will be exclusively filled with short articles from our readers; and the Magazine will not be responsible for their sentiments.

ocean and in whose volumes the public safety is guaranteed under certain conditions-the simple conditions of plaintiff and defendant. That is all. All men are not versed in law, and even eminent jurists frequently consult "the authorities” before making decisions in questions of law or questions for the "jury to determine:" but all men do know, in a measure, right from wrong.

argument which one would think had been sufficiently advanced before this time. "A few unlovely female politicians may be developed," says one of them, which may be accepted as the spokesman of a class, "and some women's votes will be bought, but the mass of virtuous womankind will remain as entirely women as they are to-day. They will continue to keep clear of the scramble Anarchy is wrong. Moreover its exponents for place and power, the purchase and sale, know it to be wrong. The citizen-born the secret plotting and open compromising American is not an anarchist. Anarchy is with conscience that characterize politics, by the product of foreign soil. The individual keeping out of politics. The legislature canwho gathers his effects into a bundle and not put them on a level with men in this reships to America is the future anarchist. He spect, no matter how hard it tries.” lands in Castle Garden, meets a friend, and while tossing off his beer is instructed to promote the interests of anarchy under the vain hope of amassing wealth. He secures a position as "hustler" in a lumber yard at a dollar and a-half a day, spends his evenings in a saloon, wastes his mental energies in brooding, and makes bombs by which he hopes to gain the identical height he so bitterly hates -wealth.

Now, there's a social and commercial paradox!

The average anarchist is one because he is so advised to be and he does not seek information upon the merits of the question. And so long as he continues to practice fealty to his misguided faith he remains a poor, beerdrinking man, without home or a hope of peaceful plenty in the future.

Anarchy is born in foreign lands, and bred in the American saloon.

If it cannot be strangled at birth, by reason of the remoteness of its place of birth, it certainly can be rendered extinct by the removal of its breeding quarters on American soil.

The saloon has forced the erection of the almshouses that dot nearly every county in the United States.

The saloon has produced the rags that clothe every drunkard's child.

The saloon has placed the lines of care that are worn upon the face of every drunkard's brokenhearted wife.

The saloon created the bombs that gave Haymarket Square a place in history, and its subsequent horrors upon the scaffold.

Not content with its conquests, the saloon sighs for more worlds to conquer and turns its eye upon the National Capital.

Shall the thinking men submit to dishonor,
that the crime-abetting saloon be saved?
Pontiac, Ill.
A. E. Johnston.

True Womanhood and the Ballot. WITH regard to the International Council of women lately held, and of the expediency of permitting women to vote in municipal elections, it is strange to find certain opposing newspapers falling back upon a line of

Perhaps the only suitable answer to an utterance of this kind is the worthy Mr. Burleigh's favorite argument: "Fudge! " Women may or may not want to vote; it may or may not be wise statesmanship to give them the franchise, but the idea that there is any danger to "virtuous womankind " in the act of casting a ballot, or in anything that such an act necessarily includes or implies, belongs entirely to the style of thought known as the Angelina-Matilda school, and has gone out of fashion with the Annuals and Tokens which were its literary expression. As to women being "put on a level with men,' "whatever that may mean, it is too late a day for the chivalry of newspaper editors to put lance in rest for such a cause. If women have not become unsexed by working side by side with men in those great undertakings of prison and hospital and poorhouse reform, of city charity and mission work, in which nearly every State government in the Union now earnestly solicits their co-operation, there is no especial reason to dread for them the contaminating influence of politics. There is no evil so deadly, no abuse so foul, no crime so abominable that the aid of woman's white hand is not invoked by government in the attempt to deal with it. There is no social problem so intricate or so complicated with wrong, that her pure heart and transparent insight are not called to the help of the pure-hearted, strong-minded men who are struggling for its solution. And shall these white-souled women shrink from politics because, forsooth, they are characterized by "secret plotting and open compromising with conscience," by all that is base and unworthy? Is not this one fact, if it be a fact, the loudest possible call to every good woman? Would it be like her to turn aside from evil and shut her eyes to it, concerned only to keep her own soul ignorantly pure? Must she not rather long to do her part to elevate and purify the human race, even by such an unwelcome service as this?

No; if men wish to keep women out of politics, let them reform politics. Let them clear them of the odium of being "a scramble for

place and power, a matter of purchase and sale;" and good women, content that things are well in that direction, will concern themselves with other wants and woes of humanity. But it is too much to ask of any woman that she shall know that things are going ill, and not yearn to find a remedy. A good woman dares brave the contagion of sin as she dares brave the contagion of disease. She is not afraid of being unsexed, nor of being contaminated by either one or the other.

It is not, however, the loudest talkers who most accurately voice the sentiments of the majority of women. In spite of the monster convention at Washington and the conscien

tious belief of many of its members that the only hope of the country lies in woman suffrage, the vast majority of women still believe in the integrity, the honesty, and the purity of men, and are content to leave politics in their hands. But let men consider how long it will be safe for them to meet the demands of woman-suffragists with the argument that politics are too impure to be a fit sphere for woman. Such an argument, if made good, would convert to woman suffrage a thousand women for every one gained by the most eloquent appeals of the truly able women who now represent the cause. Amherst, Mass. L. S. H.

OPEN LETTERS.

AMERICAN AUTHORS AND THE CHACE COPYRIGHT BILL.

From J. T. Trowbridge.

Editor AMERICAN MAGAZINE: The Chace Copyright Bill has as yet passed the Senate only, and until it becomes a law perhaps the less said in opposition to it the better, since it is the most that can be hoped for at present. Young and unknown authors are slaughtered in it by the simultaneous-publication clause; and indeed the entire bill seems to have been framed not so much for the benefit of writers of books as for the protection of those who manufacture and publish them. Is n't it humiliating that a simple act of justice to the producers of literary property could not be done without clumsily encumbering it with other interests, great and powerful, and determined each to claim a seat upon the poor creature's back, even at the risk of crushing out of it what life it has?

Arlington, Mass.

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J. T. TROWBRIDGE.

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be to this market that publishers on both sides of the water look first, and the editions will be made to suit the tastes of purchasers in this market.

Far from believing that our books are to be materially dearer, for the new act-if it becomes an act-I think that English purchasers in England will have theirs cheaper. -Truly yours, EDWARD E. HALE.

Roxbury, Mass.

From Bessie Chandler.

Dear Sir: Was n't it Dr. Johnson who could n't write a tale of the sea, because he would make "all the little fishes talk like whales"? So, although I am a very small fish in the literary sea, my moral views on International Copyright are equal to those of the largest whale. It certainly is right, and the Chace Bill is the best measure that has yet been taken to secure it.

I like to think that if I ever should write a book, and the English people should rise as one man and clamor for it, I can pacify them with honor to the country and profit to myself. This thought is "grateful" and "comforting," like Epps' cocoa, but the possibility is so very remote, that I feel I am entirely disinterested in heartily favoring the Chace Bill.-Very truly yours,

Batavia, N. Y.

BESSIE CHANDLER.

From Rev. E. P. Roe.

Dear Sir: There is not an honest man or woman in the United States who wishes another stolen book.-Yours truly,

EDWARD P. ROE. Cornwall-on-the-Hudson, N. Y.

From Edgar Fawcett.

Dear Sir: I think it should be a matter of the deepest shame to every United States Senator who failed to vote at all on the Chace Bill for party reasons, and a matter of still deeper shame to every Senator who voted in opposition. I should not presume to hazard an opinion on the actual working of the bill if made a law by Congress; but almost any sort of rule is better than no rule, and it is time our country realized the odium her thefts reflect upon her. It has been our great scandal and disgrace that an International Copyright Law was not long ago passed; and now that its passage should look precarious, tells, indeed, a dark tale of our national honor and decency. Faithfully yours,

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Dear Sir: I am strongly in favor of the adoption of the Chace Copyright Bill, not because it is perfect, but because it will be the first step towards a legal acknowledgment of the rights of authors, so long neglected. It is a shame that in a civilized country the one business which does most to civilize humanity, should be utterly abandoned to helplessness against spoliation; and I should hail a much more imperfect measure than the Chace Bill without criticism, which had for its object the purpose to do justice and make men honest. I think the bill, as it stands, will serve authors fairly well; will hurt no legitimate business; and will not essentially enhance the prices of books.

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From Richard W. Glider.

The triumphant passage of the ChaceBreckinridge International Copyright Bill through the Senate is an evidence of two things: first, the great advance made in the education of public opinion on the subject; and second, the wisdom of the policy adopted by the Copyright League. The Bill as it has passed the Senate has doubtless some demerits; but it has this pre-eminent and overshadowing merit-that it acknowledges a moral principle-namely, the property of an author in the result of his own labors. Until that Bill has passed both houses of Congress and is signed by the President, the rights of authors are in contempt; our literature is handicapped, and American civilization is discredited. International Copyright, when established throughout the world, will tend to enhance all literary values, without burden to the people, and to the great advantage of the public. America its effects will be more salutary than elsewhere. It will free our writers from an unnatural and enormous competition with stolen goods, and make secure their rights abroad. The arguments against international copyright may be applied as well, and have been so applied, against all copyright; but as I have said elsewhere, either the author must win his living by the simple and easy means of popular sales, or he must, as in the old days, look for his support to some 'patron-private, ecclesiastical, governmental, or what not. Those who have opposed the principle of copyright have been, without knowing it, promoting a tendency which would result in a system reactionary and un-American.”

In

As interested persons are opposing the passage of the bill in the Lower House, it behooves all who have at heart the advance of literature and of learning, and the fair fame of our country, to use their influence promptly and earnestly in favor of this pressingly needed reform.

New York.

RICHARD W. GILDER.

From Rev. Lyman Abbott. Dear Sir: If I were to wait for time in order to give an adequate reply to your request, one in any wise worthy to represent my own strong convictions on the subject, I fear the letter would not be sent at all, and my silence might naturally be construed into indifference.

International copyright is a sacred duty on three distinct grounds: First, that it emphasizes that brotherhood of humanity which finds in the literary fraternity its prophetic manifestation, and which by every means in our power we ought to cultivate; secondly, because it is a simple matter of common

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